Arrest warrants issued in 2005 torture case of Lydia Cacho

Photo: Expansión Política.
Left to right: Lydia Cacho, Mario Marín Torres, and José Kamel Nacif. Photo: Expansión Política

12/14/20 (written by aahrensviquez) – Mexican federal prosecutors re-issued warrants on December 4, 2020 for the arrest of Puebla’s former governor, Mario Marín Torres; businessman José Kamel Nacif; and Pueblas’s former subsecretary of Public Security, Hugo Adolfo Karam Beltrán, for the unlawful detention and torture of journalist Lydia Cacho in 2005. This highly publicized case has largely been seen as illustrative of the dangers of being a journalist in Mexico and the government’s failure to hold those responsible to account.

The Case of Lydia Cacho

In 2005, Mexican journalist and activist Lydia Cacho published her book The demons of Eden: the power that protects child pornography (Los demonios del Edén, el poder que protege a la pornografía infantil). The book exposed the protection that businessmen Jean Succar Kuri and José Kamel Nacif were receiving from politicians and other businessmen when they were accused of creating a prostitution and child pornography ring. On December 16, 2005, months after the publication of her book, Cacho was arrested in Cacún at the Center for Women’s Comprehensive Assistance (Centro Integral de Atención a la Mujer) headquarters by members of Puebla’s judicial police force on charges of defamation. She was then transferred back to Puebla to face trial.

It was during her transfer, from December 16 to 17, 2005, that Cacho was tortured by members of the police force. According to ARTÍCULO 19, an independent, nonpartisan organization in Mexico and Central America that advocates for the freedom of press, during the ten  hours Cacho was detained, the authorities did not give her food or administer her bronchitis medication, nor was she allowed to sleep. Cacho was only allowed to use the bathroom once and place one phone call during this period. She was subjected to psychological and physical torture, sexual abuse, and threats.

Cacho was eventually released from custody on bail. She went to trial on January 17, 2006 and was fully exonerated on the charges of calumny. 

On February, 14, 2006, in an explosive exposé, an anonymous source publicized a phone call between Governor Marín and businessman Nacif that took place prior to Cacho’s 2005 detention. In the phone call, Nacif urges Marín to arrest Cacho so that she would be sexually assaulted in prison in retaliation for her calumny against him. The governor reassures him, saying that he will deliver a “f**king knock over the head” (“p*nche coscorrón”) to Cacho because in Puebla “the law is respected” (author’s own translation). On March 13, 2006, Cacho filed charges against Marín and Nacif, as well as other state figures.

15 Years of Impunity

In the 15 years since Cacho was detained and arrested, only two people have been sentenced in relation to the case. Two members of the police force, including former Puebla police commander Juan Sánchez Moreno, were convicted of carrying out the torture. So far, however, there has been no accountability for those who ordered the torture. 

The Cacho case eventually made it to the docket of the Mexican Supreme Court (Suprema Corte de Justicia de la Nación, SCJN). The justices launched an investigation of the case and the involvement of Puebla’s then-governor Marín. However, in a surprise ruling on November 29, 2007, the SCJN voted six to four to not go forward in prosecuting the case. The court found that though there were some violations of Cacho’s rights, they were not severe and did not merit the involvement of the SCJN. At the time, René Delgado, the former editor of the newspaper Reforma, called the 2007 vote a “monumental homage to impunity and cynicism” (author’s own translation).

Seeking justice elsewhere, ARTÍCULO 19 filed a petition on Cacho’s behalf to the Human Rights Committee of the United Nations (UN). The Committee ruled in Cacho’s favor in 2018, formally recognizing human rights abuses against the journalist. They determined that Cacho’s detention was arbitrary, meaning that there was little to no evidence that she had committed a crime at the time of the arrest. The Commitee also found that the arrest and torture had been retaliatory in nature. Additionally, they noted that the sexual nature of Cacho’s torture indicated that she had been discriminated against because of her gender, a protected characteristic. Finally, the Committee found that the state had not fulfilled its obligation to investigate this case and hold those responsible accountable.

Two months after ARTÍCULO 19 presented their petition to the UN, Mexican federal prosecutors brought the charges against the police commanders that carried out the torture ordered by their superiors. In 2016 Succar, who Cacho exposed in her 2005, was indeed convicted of child pornography and child sexual abuse in Cancún and was convicted to 112 years of prison.

Arrest Warrants Issued for Marín, Nacif, and Karam

Finally, in April of 2019, arrest warrants were issued for Marín, Nacif, and Karam. However, they were cancelled in November 2020 by the Third Circuit Court in Cacún through a writ of amparo. Judge María Elena Suárez Préstamo of the First Unitary Court (Primer Tribunal Unitario) reissued the warrant on December 4, 2020 for their arrest after reviewing the case. Marín, Nacif, and Karam are currently fugitives. 

Mexican Attorney General Alejandro Gertz Manero reported in July that Nacif was traced to Lebanon and disclosed that they were in communication with the Lebanese government to process his extradition. Cacho sharply criticized Gertz in an interview with W Radio Mexico, claiming that she had located Nacif through her coordination with Europol and Interpol and Gertz had risked her case by making that information and strategy public. She also rebuked him for mishandling her case. She posited that through her work, she and her team also located Marín and Karam, but neither of them have been detained either. Cacho is suspicious that Gertz may have some vested interest in not seeing her case through.

2020 Continues the Trend of Violence Toward Journalists in Mexico

In an article in El País, ARTÍCULO 19 described the Cacho case as a “fight against impunity in one of the most violent countries in the world to practice journalism.” Indeed, violence against journalists in Mexico have been widely publicized and well-documented over many years. Justice in Mexico consistently includes a section addressing violence against journalists in its  yearly Organized Crime and Violence in Mexico Special Report.

According to the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), from 1992 to 2020 there were 53 confirmed cases of journalists killed, 67 unconfirmed cases, and four cases of media-support workers were killed in Mexico (“Explore all CPJ data”). The CPJ identifies both homicides cases with motives that have been confirmed to have been related to the journalist’s profession, as well as cases with unconfirmed motives. In fact, this year, the CPJ identifies Mexico as the country with the most homicide cases with five confirmed motives in 2020, followed by Iraq and the Philippines each with three confirmed journalist murders. In 2020, the following journalists were  murdered in Mexico:

  • María Elena Ferral Hernández of El Diario de Xalapa and El Quinto Poder was murdered on March 30, 2020;
  • Jorge Miguel Armenta Ávalos of Última Palabra and Medios Obson was murdered on May 16, 2020;
  • Pablo Morragares Parraguirre from PM Noticias was murdered on August 2, 2020;
  • Julio Valdivia of El Mundo was murdered on September 9, 2020; and 
  • Israel Vázquez of El Salmantino was murdered on November 9, 2020.

The aforementioned ARTÍCULO 19 has not released their most updated data on violence against journalists in 2020. However, the organization released their tallies for the first six months of 2020 (from January to June 2020). The findings are alarming. The report documented 406 instances of violence or aggression against journalists including cases of threats, harassment, assault, murder, and disappearance, among others. This is up 45% from the 280 cases they identified during the same period in 2019.

In an effort to address the violence against journalists, the Mexican government created the Mechanism for the Protection of Defenders of Human Rights and Journalists (Mecanismo de Protección a Personas Defensoras de Derechos Humanos y Periodistas). Its objective is to provide protection for journalists that were threatened, including temporary relocations, armored vehicles, and security escorts. According to the Mexican National Commission for Human Rights (Comisión Nacional de los Derechos Humanos) report, there is a 90% impunity rate for crimes committed against journalists. Not only does the government often fail to protect journalists and bring their perpetrators to justice, public officials are often the perpetrators of said violence against journalists. ARTÍCULO 19 identifies public officials as the assailants of 199 cases out of the 406 cases of aggression against journalists that were identified in the first six months of 2020.

The Cacho case is a poignant, public exemplification of the issues facing Mexican journalists. She was victim to institutionalized torture at the hands of public officials in retaliation for holding power to account. Even with evidence against her assailants so widely publicized, she was unable to obtain justice from the government. Even now that her case was reopened, the arrest warrants have not been carried out, with very little hope that they ever will be. Moreover, she maintains that the justice system has continued to mishandle her case. Her public ire after 15 years is the same frustration that is inherent to being a journalist in Mexico.

Sources

“Gober precioso.” Youtube.com. February 13, 2007.

Relea, Francesc. “La impunidad ya tiene carta blanca en México.” El País. December 5, 2007.

Castro, Aída. “Cronología: Caso Lydia Cacho.” El Universal. June 2, 2008.

“Juez ratifica condena a Jean Succar Kuri por abuso de menores.” Regeneración. August 10, 2016.

“ONU reconoce violaciones a los derechos de la periodista Lydia Cacho.” ARTÍCULO 19. August 2, 2018.

“Demanda CNDH esclarecer el 90% de crímenes contra periodistas que permanece en impunidad lacerante- 13 en los últimos once meses-por falta de investigaciones prontas, diligentes, profesionales y eficaces de Procuradurías y Fiscalías.” Comisión Nacional de los Derechos Humanos. November 2, 2019.

“Syria, Mexico deadliest countries for journalists in 2019.” Committee to Protect Journalists. December 17, 2019.

Vivanco, José Miguel. “El luto del periodismo en México.” Human Rights Watch. June 11, 2020.

Calderón, Laura, et al. “Organized Crime and Violence in Mexico: 2020 Special Report.” Justice in Mexico. July 2020.

Hernández Zamora, Araceli. “El Fiscal tiró a la basura mi caso por bocón: Lydia Cacho.” W Radio Mexico. July 13, 2020.

“‘Todo lo tiró por bocón, por inútil’: Lydia Cacho acusó a Gertz Manero de echar a perder la investigación contra Kamel Nacif.” Infobae. July 13, 2020.

“Primer semestre de 2020: crecen exponencialmente las agresiones contra la prensa y continúan los asesinatos.” ARTÍCULO 19. September 14, 2020.

ARTÍCULO 19. “15 años de impunidad en el ‘caso Lydia Cacho’.” El País. November 16, 2020.

“Caso Lydia Cacho: De nueva cuenta se giran órdenes de aprehensión contra Marín, Nacif y Karam por delito de tortura.” ARTÍCULO 19. December 4, 2020.

“Vuelven a girar órdenes de captura contra Kamel Nacif y Mario Marín por tortura contra Lydia Cacho.” Animal Político. December 4, 2020.

“Explore all CPJ data.” Committee to Protect Journalists.

“Sobre ARTICLE 19.” ARTÍCULO 19.

Female Mayor of Jamapa is Kidnapped and Murdered

12/02/20 (written by vrice)— Florisel Ríos Delfín, Mayor of Veracruz’s Jamapa municipality, was kidnapped from her home late on November 10, 2020 by ten armed men. The mayor was found dead early the next morning in a rural area of Medellín de Bravo, a neighboring municipality. Police speculate that an organized criminal group was behind the attack. In Mexico, such violence against local mayors, former mayors, mayoral candidates, and alternate mayors has become increasingly frequent. Justice in Mexico’s (JIM) Laura Calderón argues that this violence threatens the democratic process and undermines rule of law.

Mayor Florisel Ríos Delfín. Photo: Expansión Política

A Disarmed Police Force and Accusations of Corruption

Ríos is the second female mayor murdered during the term of Cuitláhuac García Jiménez, current governor of Veracruz. Maricela Vallejo, the mayor of Veracruz’s Mixtla de Altamirano municipality, was murdered in April 2019 alongside her husband and driver. The Saturday before her murder, Mayor Ríos attended a meeting with all the other municipal presidents of Veracruz affiliated with the Revolutionary Democratic Party (Partido de la Revolución Democrática, PRD). At the meeting, the mayor expressed feelings of being in danger and asked for help. In her last interview before the murder, she voiced similar sentiments of fearing for her life, which she attributed to the disarmament of local police and a municipal budget that was insufficient to pay for personal security. Veracruz Government Secretary Éric Cisneros Burgos had ordered for Jamapa police to be disarmed shortly before Ríos was killed because the majority of officers had been using firearms that were not  registered and approved by the Mexican Secretariat of National Defense (Secretaría de la Defensa Nacional, SEDENA). Therefore, the officers had been using the weapons illegally. In the week before her murder, Ríos met with Secretary Cisneros to request that she and her family receive state protection. Cisneros denied the request. 

Since she took office in 2018, Ríos’ term was marred by various scandals. Last July, the Captain of the Jamapa Municipal Police, Miguel de Jesús Castillo, accused the mayor of being involved in the disappearance of citizens. The Captain was later murdered and dismembered by what police suspect to be a criminal organization. Then, in January of this year, the Jamapa municipal palace was occupied for various months by protesters who demanded that dismissed workers be rehired. The occupiers also filed eight complaints with the Veracruz State Attorney General (Fiscalía General del Estado, FGE) against Ríos and other Jamapa government officials for mismanagement. Then, early this November, Ríos’ husband, Fernando Hernández Terán, now ex-president of Jamapa’s National System for Integral Family Development (Sistema Nacional para el Desarrollo Integral de la Familia, DIF), was accused of diverting public funds. After the Veracruz FGE ordered for his arrest, Hernández went into hiding, where he remained at the time of Mayor Ríos’ murder.

Responses

In his daily morning press conference on November 12, President Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO) mourned Mayor Ríos’ death and said that his administration has been attentive to the ongoing investigation. Local Jamapa politicians and leaders of the PRD, the National Action Party (Partido Acción Nacional, PAN), and the Institutional Revolutionary Party (Partido Revolucionario Institucional, PRI) also lamented Ríos’death. Veracruz PAN Senator Indira Rosales requested that Governor García clarify the circumstances of the murder and sanction those responsible. Leaders like Citlali Medellín Careaga (PRI mayor of Tamihua) and Viridiana Bretón Feito (PAN mayor of Ixhuatlán del Café) denounced and demanded justice for Rios’ murder. Via Twitter, Jesús Zambrano Grijalva, National President of the PRD, used the anti-femicide #NiUnaMenos hashtag to condemn Ríos’ murder and criticize Governor García’s administration. 

Additionally, Ángel Ávila, the PRD representative in the National Electoral Institute (Instituto Nacional Electoral, INE) took to social media to say that the Governor and Secretary Cisneros should stop threatening the PRD and instead “get to work.” Ávila also denounced Veracruz as a state that “doesn’t have a government.” For his part, the Governor released a video on Twitter sharing that his administration had requested for the FGE to accelerate investigation into Ríos’ death. The Veracruz Secreatariat of Public Security (Secretaría de Seguridad Pública, SSP) shared via Twitter that air and ground surveillance operations had been launched in Jamapa and the surrounding area to investigate and find those culpable for the mayor’s murder. From his unknown location, Ríos’ husband published a Facebook message mourning his wife’s death and attributing unsafe conditions in Mexico to rampant organized crime. 

On November 16, Jamapa municipal employees along with dozens of citizens protested in the streets to demand justice for the mayor’s murder. Ríos’ children were also in attendance, including her daughter Yzayana Hernández Ríos, who has since taken over presidency of Jamapa’s DIF since her father’s removal. Yzayana said that she feared for the lives of herself and her siblings and reproached statements by Governor García, which she said blamed the Mayor for her own murder. Ríos’ daughter Yzayana also stated, “My mother was a very hardworking and honest woman, who day to day fought to improve this municipality” and accused Governor García of “re-victimizing” her mother.

The Assassination: An Exception or Endemic?

Thus far in 2020, four municipal public servants have been murdered. This violence is part of a larger pattern, exemplified in data from the National Association of Mayors (La Asociación Nacional de Alcaldes, ANAC), which found that 158 Mexican mayors were murdered from 2006-2019. Justice in Mexico’s research has documented the intentional homicide of at least 264 local politicians from 2002-2019, 98 of whom were murdered just from 2015-2019. While JIM’s analysis revealed a 26% decrease in the number of victims from 2018 to 2019, this past year of 2019 was the most violent for ex mayors, who accounted for 15 of the 25 total murders. 

Cases of intentional homicide against mayors, former mayors, and alternate mayors. 
Photo: Justice in Mexico

The killing of Mayor Ríos is consistent with other data Justice in Mexico has collected regarding violent conditions in Veracruz and the political affiliation of murdered mayors, former mayors, mayoral candidates, and alternate mayors. While significantly behind the PRI with 89 victims, those affiliated with the PRD—Mayor Ríos’ party—were murdered at the second highest rates of any party, with 40 victims from 2002-2019. Moreover, Justice in Mexico found that during this period, Veracruz reported the fourth highest murder rate of for the aformentioned local politicians. In 2019, Veracruz also recorded the second most murders of mayors, former mayors, mayoral candidates, and alternate mayors (3) nationwide, the highest number of femicides (157) and of officially reported kidnappings (298), and the fourth most cases of extortion (560). 

Justice in Mexico’s research has revealed the unique vulnerability of local politicians in Mexico. In 2019, it was revealed that Mexican mayors were 13 times more likely to be assassinated than the general public. The murder rate for mayors was 3.25 per 1,000 mayors, versus 0.24 per every 1,000 citizens amongst the general public. In a working paper by JIM’s Calderón, “An Analysis of Mayoral Assassinations in Mexico, 2000-17”, three potential hypotheses to explain mayoral murders are explored: a mayor’s perceived level of corruptibility (which influences how much organized crime groups view them as a threat), rates of drug production/trafficking in a state (violence is more concentrated in states with of such higher rates), greater vulnerability in more rural territories with less population density. To combat this violence, Calderón emphasizes: the responsibility of the federal government to provide sufficient budgets and adequately enforce federal protections; the fundamentality of strengthening state institutions with transnational justice processes to allow for democratic consolidation; and the necessity of implementing policies and social incentives to dissuade public participation in organized criminal activities as a means of survival.

Violence Against Women in Mexican Politics

The phenomenon of “political violence and political harassment against women,” seen across Latin America and the world, can be characterized by “behaviors that specifically target women as women to leave politics by pressuring them to step down as candidates or resign a particular political office” (Krook and Restrepo Sanín 2015, 127). Such behaviors may include, but are not limited to, acts of physical, symbolic, psychological, economic, and sexual violence—from kidnapping, rape, and murder to the spreading of false rumors, release of private photographs, and refusal of parties to fund female candidates’ campaigns (ibid, 138). 

For many years, Mexico’s General Law on Electoral Crimes failed to collect gender disaggregated data on acts of political violence. This meant that specific statistics for violence against female politicians, like Mayor Ríos, or against women trying to exercise their political rights were unavailable. The Mexican government has slowly taken strides to better protect women’s ability to participate in politics, but these have often not lived up to expectations. A 2008 reform aimed to increase female political participation by “requiring parties to earmark 2% of their public funding to activities supporting women’s leadership development” (ibid, 142). When parties’ accounts were reviewed in 2011, it was revealed that these funds had been used for alternative purposes, like “cleaning supplies, stationery, and fumigation services” (ibid). Even in 2013, when the INE introduced a set of guidelines on implementing the earmark, party leaders openly asked auditors how they could avoid adhering to the requirement (ibid). More recently, in October 2020, the INE unanimously endorsed guidelines for political parties to help combat gender-based political violence. Amongst other requirements, these stipulated that, beginning in 2021, no aspiring candidate can be convicted or accused of domestic violence, sexual misconduct, or have defaulted on alimony payments. 

In Mexico, gender-based political violence occurs in a greater context where women’s fundamental rights to life and security are routinely transgressed. In 2019, Mexico recorded the second highest absolute number of femicides in all of Latin America and the Caribbean at 983, a rate of 1.5 per 100,000 women. 

2019 femicide rates in Latin America, the Caribbean and Spain. Photo: Gender Equality Observatory for Latin America and the Caribbean

This data is reflective of the increasing prevalence of femicide in the country, which from 2015 to 2019 saw a 139% increase, per Mexico’s Secretary General of National Public Security (Secretariado Ejecutivo del Sistema Nacional de Seguridad Pública, SESNSP). These high rates are even more troubling given how in 2019 the impunity rate for femicide in Mexico was 51.4%. This impunity is not just restricted to cases of femicide, but rather is endemic in Mexico, seen by the country’s 89.6%  impunity rate for intentional homicides. The Mexican government has played a significant role in allowing rampant violence against women to continue. Of the 3,522 Public Ministry (Ministerio Público, MP) agencies in the country, only 177—less than 5%—are focused on addressing crimes against women. These few agencies are expected to handle an immense caseload, as 482 women report cases of familial violence each day—equivalent to about 20 cases each hour. Moreover, only 3.3% of these agencies focus on sexual crimes, and are expected to manage the more than 40,281 cases of such crimes that were registered from January to September 2020. The lack of resources and government employees to handle cases of violence against women in these few MP agencies contribute to high rates of femicide and impunity for these crimes. 

These dangerous conditions for Mexican women have only been exacerbated by the outbreak of COVID-19. El Sol Mexico estimated that two-thirds of women over 15 years of age in the country would be forced to quarantine with a violent partner. Moreover, during the eight months of lockdown thus far, the National Network of Shelters (Red Nacional de Refugios), which aids female victims of violence and their children, has provided services to over 34,716 women. These requests for help represent a 51% increase from the same period during 2019. The Network registered that 9%  of male aggressors (about 3,123 individuals) from whom women sought assistance had military or political ties. This data is particularly troubling given the role of male politicians in perpetrating violence against women in politics. In 2004, a female candidate running for municipal president of San José Estancia Grande (in the state of Oaxaca), Guadalupe Ávila Salinas, was shot dead by the sitting municipal president at that time (Krook and Restrepo Sanín 2015, 140). Other female municipal candidates have been kidnapped by their political opponents, in some instances, by opponents in collaboration with the female candidate’s own party and/or spouse (ibid). All of these rampant forms of violence against women in Mexican politics renders near gender parity in Congress more symbolic than actually indicative of equal rights and respect for women. If it is not telling enough that political gender quotas took 15 years to be implemented, female politicians continue to be discriminated against, prevented from presenting proposals, and denied essential campaign funds. Moreover, men continue to serve as the heads of important legislative bodies including the “Executive Board, Political Coordination Board, and 15 out of 16 party caucuses”.

Guadalupe Ávila Salinas. Photo: Crónica

Failing to address attacks against women in politics allows this kind of violence to continuously be construed as the “cost of doing politics” for women (Krook and Restrepo Sanín 2015, 145). Such an understanding normalizes endemic mistreatment of women both inside and outside the political sphere. As a result, violent acts against women in politics threaten the level and quality of democracy in Mexico and question to what degree women have truly been incorporated as full political actors in Mexico (Krook 2017, 74).

Sources

Jarquín Edgar, Soledad. “Asesinan a candidata perredista en Oaxaca.” Cimac Noticias. September 27, 2004. 

Cruz, Alfonso. “Alcalde del PRI mata a balazos a candidata del PRD en Oaxaca.” Crónica. September 28, 2004.

Krook, Mona Lena and Juliana Restrepo Sanín. “Gender and political violence

in Latin America Concepts, debates and solutions.” Politica y gobierno, vol. 13 no. 1, 2016, p.125-157. www.scielo.org.mx/pdf/pyg/v23n1/1665-2037-pyg-23-01-00127-en.pdf.

Krook, Mona Lena. “Violence Against Women in Politics.” Journal of Democracy, vol. 28 no. 1, 2017, p. 74-88. Project MUSE, doi:10.1353/jod.2017.0007.

“Violencia política contra las mujeres en razón de género.” CNDH México. 2018. 

Calderón, Laura. “An Analysis of Mayoral Assassinations in Mexico, 2000-17.” Justice in Mexico, Working Paper Series vol. 15 no. 1. January 2018.

“Mexico’s Female Legislators Are No Silver Bullet for Gender Inequality.” Council on Foreign Relations. September 4, 2018. 

“Femicide or feminicide.” Gender Equality Observatory for Latin America and the Caribbean. 2019. 

De la Peña, Angélica. “El Covid-19 y la perspectiva de género.” El Sol de México. March 23, 2020. 

“Información sobre violencia contra las mujeres; Incidencia delictiva y llamadas de emergencia 9-1-1.” Secretariado Ejecutivo del Sistema Nacional de Seguridad Pública. April 30, 2020.

Calderón, Laura et al. “Organized Crime and Violence in Mexico: 2020 Special Report.” Justice in Mexico. July 31, 2020.

Arteta, Itxaro. “Solo 4.2% de los MP se especializan en violencia contra mujeres; 100 municipios concentran 60% de feminicidios.” Animal Político. October 27, 2020. 

Arteta, Itxaro. “El 50% de las investigaciones de feminicidio en México no se resuelven, dice reporte.” Animal Político. November 10, 2020

“Asesinan a alcaldesa de Jamapa, Veracruz; la habían culpado por desapariciones.” Forbes México. November 11, 2020.

“Asesinan a Florisel Ríos, alcaldesa de Jamapa, Veracruz.” Animal Político. November 11, 2020.  

Hernández, Kenia and Isabel Zamudio. “Asesinan a alcaldesa de Jamapa, Veracruz.” Milenio. November 11, 2020.

“La alcaldesa de Jamapa, en Veracruz, es asesinada.” Expansión Política. November 11, 2020.

Zavaleta, Noé. “Plagian y asesinan a la alcaldesa de Jamapa, en Veracruz.” Proceso. November 11, 2020.  

Flores, Danytza. “En Jamapa, donde mataron a la alcaldesa, la policía está desarmada.” Diario de Xalapa. November 12, 2020. 

Gómez, Eirinet and Georgina Saldierna. “Secuestran y asesinan en Veracruz a la edil de Jamapa.” La Jornada. November 12, 2020.

“Policía de Jamapa fue desarmada por irregularidades en uso de la licencia de armas.” Aristegui Noticias. November 12, 2020. 

Rice, Veronica. “The INE Takes Strides Against Gender Based Violence.” Justice in Mexico. November 12, 2020. 

Rodríguez García, Arturo. “El presidente lamenta asesinatos de periodista y alcaldesa.” Proceso. November 12, 2020. 

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Zavaleta, Noé. “Alcaldesas de Veracruz repudian asesinato de la edil de Jamapa.” Proceso. November 12, 2020. 

Calderón, Laura. “Violencia criminal contra ediles en México.” Animal Político. November 16, 2020.

Zavaleta, Noé. “Protestan en Jamapa por asesinato de alcaldesa; su hija reprocha criminalización.” Proceso. November 16, 2020. 

Arteta, Itxaro. “En 8 meses de pandemia, refugios para mujeres violentadas han atendido 51% más solicitudes de ayuda.” Animal Político. November 20, 2020.

Quintana Roo Police Violently Disperse Feminist Protest

Content warning: the following blog post contains mentions of sexual violence and assault

11/20/20 (written by vrice)— On November 9 at around 4:00pm, 2,000 protestors marched to the Quintana Roo Attorney General’s Office (Fiscalía Central), located in the city of Cancún. Demonstrators gathered to demand justice for Bianca Alejandrina Lorenzana Alvarado (“Alexis”) and implore the government to take more substantial action against femicide. The 20-year-old had gone missing on November 7, and her body was found two days later, dismembered in trash bags. The police of Benito Juárez, the municipality where Cancún is located, violently dispersed the protestors who had gathered. Four journalists were injured, two of which suffered bullet wounds, and two of the eight detained demonstrators reported sexual assault by the police. These acts are a reflection of a larger pattern of police repression of feminist protests and attacks on journalists in Mexico.

Feminist demonstrators outside the Quintana Roo Attorney General’s Office. Photo: Lourdes Cruz (EFE) via El País

To Serve and Protect?

On the evening of November 9, 50 Benito Juárez police officers began firing on feminist protestors who attempted to break into the Attorney General’s Office. Following the event, the head of the police force, Eduardo Santamaría, was dismissed on grounds of “abuse of power” for ordering officers to fire on protesters. Santamaría argued that he had ordered officers to fire into the air, but demonstrators reported seeing police aim directly at protestors. Despite the otherwise peaceful nature of the protest, journalists Cecilia Solís (from the media outlet Energy FM) and Roberto Becerril (from The Truth News, La Verdad Noticias) suffered gunshot wounds in the leg and arm, respectively. 

The Quintana Roo Attorney General’s Office falsely claimed no protestors had been detained via Twitter, despite reports from the Network of Quintana Roo Journalists (Red de Periodistas de Quintana Roo) that eight people had been detained a few hours prior. The Quintana Roo Human Rights Commission (La Comisión de los Derechos Humanos del Estado de Quintana Roo), whose personnel provided support to the detainees, corroborated the Network’s claims.

In addition to the police shootings, Animal Político reported that police used excessive force and sexually assaulted two peaceful demonstrators, María Elena and Quetzalli, after arresting them. María Elena also recounted seeing police aggressively beat a woman at the protest, even after she told them she was merely a journalist doing her job. Another journalist, Selene Hidrogo from Sipse TVCUN, cited how the police explicitly targeted reporters who attempted to record and broadcast the violence. Julián Ramírez, director of Cancún’s Kukulcán high school where he once had Alexis as a student, was detained at the protest and severely beaten by law enforcement. He shared that upon telling the police that Alexis was his student, the officers said they were going to “leave him worse off than her” (“me dijeron que me iban a dejar peor que ella”). After being released at 9:30pm the night of the protest, María Elena, Quetzalli, and Julián went to the State Human Rights Commission to file complaints.

The alleged abuses of power by the local police are in direct violation of the municipality’s law enforcement bylaws. Article 20, Sections V states that police must, “treat all persons with respect, abstaining from any arbitrary acts and from unduly limiting the public’s ability to carry out peaceful manifestations in exercise of their constitutional rights.” Additionally, Section VIII states that police must, “ensure the life and physical integrity of detained persons until the Public Ministry or a competent authority is available.” Given these clear legal violations, the actions of the Benito Juárez police have been met with widespread condemnation.

Will Chorus of Condemnations Translate Into Meaningful Action?

Hours before the protest, Mara Lezama, the Municipal President of Benito Juárez, tweeted, “Cancún is a city of liberties and rights, and because of this free, peaceful demonstrations will be protected.” After news of the shooting surfaced, Lezama tweeted again and released a video saying that she rebukes all acts of violence and that she had ordered an investigation into the “illegal and immoral” police actions. Carlos Joaquín González, Governor of Quintana Roo, also took to Twitter to clarify that he had given specific instructions that no aggression or weapons be used against protestors. The chorus of condemnations continued with Quintana Roo Chief of Police Alberto Capella, who deemed the police repression inacceptable and said that security camera footage would be reviewed to determine the perpetrators. Capella even resigned the next day in order to conduct an unbiased investigation. Gerardo Solis Barreto, the Secretary of the Benito Juárez City Council, also resigned in protest of the police’s actions, while also filing a complaint that police violated the Law on the Use of Force (Ley de Uso de la Fuerza).

At his daily morning press conference on November 10, President Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO) said that an investigation must be conducted into what occurred in Cancún, and that those responsible must be punished. The President denied that the National Guard took part in the repression, which journalists present at the protest confirmed—with the caveat that the officers were bystanders during the abuses. AMLO said that if Governor Joaquín failed to carry out these investigations, then bodies like the National Commission on Human Rights (Comisión Nacional de los Derechos Humanos, CNDH) would have to intervene. For their part, the CNDH released a communication on November 10 rebuking the police repression. In it, the CNDH cited how the Inter-American Human Rights System (Sistema Interamericano de los Derechos Humanos) stipulates that in public demonstrations, state operatives must only use as little force as possible with the ends of protecting protestors. The Ministry of the Interior (Ministerio del Interior) and Mexican chapters of Amnesty International and United Nations Women echoed the condemnations. 

Beyond digital denouncements, feminists in Mexico City (Ciudád de México, CDMX) organized a protest against femicide and the Benito Juárez police repression on November 11, outside of the Quintana Roo government office in the Colonia Roma district. City police surrounded the building with riot shields to prevent any attempted entry by demonstrators. Observers from the CDMX Human Rights Commission (Comisión de Derechos Humanos de la Ciudad de México, CDHCM) were in attendance to make sure no rights violations occurred.

Police surrounding the Quintana Roo government office in CDMX to prevent protestors from entering. Photo: Animal Político

The Larger Pattern of Oppression

Femicides and police violence against feminist protestors and journalists are part of a larger pattern in Quintana Roo and Mexico as a whole. In 2020, twelve femicides have already been registered in Quintana Roo. Moreover, Atizapán Municipal Police in the state of Mexico (Estado de México) violently attacked feminist demonstrators in September, while in Mexico City protestors marching for International Safe Abortion Day were teargassed and beaten. Just one day before the Cancún demonstration, Cuautitlán Municipal Police, also in the State of Mexico, tear gassed protestors. The demonstrators were demanding justice for the femicide of 17-year-old Ámbar Viridiana Uicab Tapia, who was found on November 6 in a sewage canal after having gone missing since October 23. These demonstrations in Atizapán and Cuautitlán are a product of the dangerous environment women face in the State of Mexico, which last year recorded the second highest number of femicide cases in the country. Mexico City also registered the greatest number of sex crimes of any city nationwide in 2019—accounting for nearly 13% of the national total for that year. Such violent police repression of feminist protests only seems to further impede women’s access to justice across Mexico. 

Not only is Mexico one of the most dangerous countries for women, but it also consistently ranks amongst the most unsafe nations in the world for journalists. During 2019, the country recorded three times as many journalist murders than any other country worldwide. This threatening media climate is reflected in Mexico’s ranking of 143rd out of 180 countries on the 2020 World Press Freedom Index, even behind less democratic countries like Nicaragua (117th, rated “not free” at 31/100 by Freedom House), and South Sudan (138rd, rated “not free” at -2 by Freedom House). For reference, Freedom House has rated Mexico “partly free” with a score of 62/100. Moreover, over the last month, three journalists have been killed in Mexico: Arturo Alba (Ciudad Juárez), Jesús Alfonso Piñuelas (Sonora), and Israel Vazquez Rangel (Guanajuato). 

Attacks on peaceful protestors and journalists like those in Cancún and across the State of Mexico, for example, undermine Mexicans’ constitutional rights—even more so when they come at the hands of the police. Damaging effects on citizens’ sense of trust and security are reflected in the 2020 Gallup Law and Order Index. Public opinion polls from the index display how Mexican citizens’ confidence in local police is the second lowest in all of Latin America. Venezuela, which is currently under the authoritarian dictatorship of Nicolás Maduro, was the only country where citizens exhibited lower confidence in local police than in Mexico.

Sources:

“Reglamento para la función policial del municipio de Benito Juárez, Quintana Roo.” Periódico Oficial del Gobierno del Estado. May 4, 2007. 

Calderon Laura et al. “Organized Crime and Violence in Mexico: 2020 Special Report.” Justice in Mexico. July 31, 2020.

“Global Law and Order.” Gallup. 2020. 

“Index Details: Data of press freedom ranking 2020.” Reporters Without Borders. 2020. 

“Mexico.” Freedom House. 2020. 

“Nicaragua.” Freedom House. 2020. 

Ray, Julie. “Most of the World Remains Confident in Police, Feels Safe.” Gallup. October 27, 2020

“South Sudan.” Freedom House. 2020.

Jiménez, Rebeca. “Encuentran el cuerpo de Ámbar Viridiana, de 17 años, en Cuautitlán.” El Universal. November 7, 2020.

Martínez, Rafael. “A balazos, policía de Cancún dispersa protesta feminista.” El Sol de México. November 9, 2020.

“Policías disparan para dispersar protestas por asesinatos de mujeres en Cancún; al menos 4 heridos.” Animal Político. November 9, 2020. 

Ríos, Mariana. “En Cancún, policías dispersan con balazos protesta por feminicidios.” Milenio. November 9, 2020. 

“Varios heridos en protesta feminista en Cancún por la muerte de una joven.” Reuters. November 9, 2020. 

Diaz, Lizbeth. “Rights groups seek investigation of police use guns at Mexican protest.” Reuters. November 10, 2020. 

“Disparos en protesta en Cancún fueron acción planeada, acusa Red Feminista; piden salida de Capella.” Animal Político. November 10, 2020. 

Guillén, Beatriz. “La ONU pide que se investiguen los disparos de la policía en la protesta feminista de Cancún.” El País. November 10, 2020. 

“‘Nada de estar protegiendo a nadie’: AMLO pide a gobernador de Quintana Roo aclarar disparos en protesta.” Animal Político. November 10, 2020. 

“ONU Mujeres condena represión a protesta feminista en Cancún.” El Universal. November 10, 2020. 

Varillas, Adriana. “Señala gobernador de Quintana Roo a director de policía como responsable de represión en protesta feminista.” El Universal. November 10, 2020. 

Wattenbarger, Madeleine. “Mexico police open fire on femicide protest in Cancún.” The Guardian, November 10, 2020. 

“Policías encapsulan a mujeres que protestan en CDMX contra feminicidios y represión en Cancún.” Animal Político, November 11, 2020. 
Vega, Andrea. “Mujeres detenidas durante protesta en Cancún denuncian agresiones sexuales de los policías.” Animal Político. November 11, 2020.

The INE Takes Strides Against Gender Based Violence

11/12/20 (written by vrice)—At the end of October, the National Electoral Institute (Instituto Nacional Electoral, INE) unanimously endorsed guidelines for political parties to help combat gender-based political violence. Amongst other requirements, these stipulated that, beginning in 2021, no aspiring candidate can be convicted or accused of domestic violence, sexual misconduct, or have defaulted on alimony payments.

Inside the INE where voting for the new guidelines occurred. Photo: Expansion Política

The Guidelines

The guidelines approved by the INE were in response to the #3de3VsViolencia initiative introduced in August of this year by female members of the Chamber of Deputies (from Morena, the PAN, PRI, PRD, and MC) and Yndira Sandoval, cofounder of an organization called the Feminist Constituents (Las Constituyentes Feministas). The iniative delineated that no male with a record of violence against women be allowed to occupy a position in the legislature, executive or judiciary. Building on the #3de3VsViolencia, the INE guidelines outlined some methods to “ensure equality and guarantee women’s ability to exercise their political and electoral rights within parties,” including for political parties to: 

1) Investigate, sanction, repair, and eradicate gender based political violence

2) Promote, protect, and respect women’s rights

3) Possess plans of action for victims

4) Develop statutes that establish mechanisms to eliminate gender based political violence

5) Facilitate documentation of accusations concerning such violence

6) Create interparty justice bodies with gender parity

7) Determine a body that can assist victims

8) Establish comprehensive methods of redress

9) Require that political candidates sign paperwork and swear under oath that they have not been convicted or do not face charges of domestic violence, sexual misconduct, or alimony debts.

These guidelines will also establish a national registry of persons sanctioned for gender-based political violence against women.

Leading up to the INE’s vote, the Feminist Constituents mounted a sizable media campaign across various platforms, including Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter. Their posts focused on circulating data to help build support for the #3de3VsViolencia initiative. This included highlighting that three out of four children with separated parents do not receive alimony payments, for example, and that 166,812 cases of domestic violence and 22,462 cases of sexual assault and rape against women were  registered from January to September 2020.

Responses

While representatives of various Mexican political parties have voiced their willingness to abide by the guidelines, INE councilors emphasized that this commitment must be reflected in concrete actions, as well. Martha Tagle, a representative of the Citizen’s Movement (Movimiento Ciudadano), deemed the new requisites essential. She argued that it is impossible to uphold laws protecting women, if lawmaking bodies are comprised of the very individuals who commit gender-based violence. The INE’s Councilor President, Lorenzo Córdova, reiterated claims of the guidelines’ necessity, referencing how violence against women who “dared to exercise their rights” increased since 2018, when Mexico implemented legislation stipulating gender parity in politics.

Morena representative Lorena Villavicencio Ayala countered outcries by some male politicians that #3de3VsViolencia aims to persecute men, highlighting how the initiative merely strives to uphold the first article of the constitution—respect and protection of human rights. Moreover, Laura Angélica Rojas Hernández, President of the Board of Directors of the Chamber of Deputies, pointed to requirements of the Organization of American States (Organización de los Estados Americanos, OEA), that civil servants be honest and respect the rights of all individuals. Rojas also stated that the #3de3VsViolencia initiative would promote democracy in Mexico and improve low levels of trust in institutions, by ensuring that only the most law-abiding/rights-protecting candidates occupy government positions.

Various requirements outlined in the INE guidelines have been previously debated within the Mexican government. In July of this year, the Superior Chamber of the Electoral Tribunal of the Judicial Power of the Federation (Sala Superior del Tribunal Electoral del Poder Judicial de la Federación, TEPJF) voted 5 v. 2 in favor of a national registry for those convicted of gender-based political violence. One of the dissenting judges, Reyes Rodríguez Mondragón, published a tweet stating that the creation of such a list had, “no constitutional basis.” Only time will tell to what extent the INE guidelines are upheld, and if they will face legal challenges on grounds of unconstitutionality.

The zoom meeting in which TEPJF justices voted on the creation of a national registry for those convicted of gender-based political violence. Photo: TEPJF via Twitter

Sources

“Deudores de pensión alimentaria o con cargos por violencia contra mujeres no podrán ser candidatos.” Animal Político, October 28, 2020.

Galván, Melissa. “El INE aprueba lineamientos contra la violencia política hacia las mujeres.” Expansión, October 28, 2020. 

López Ponce, Jannet. “INE logra que ningún agresor de mujeres pueda ser candidato.” Milenio, October 28, 2020. 

“ACUERDO del Consejo General del Instituto Nacional Electoral por el que se aprueban los Lineamientos para la integración, funcionamiento, actualización y conservación del Registro Nacional de Personas Sancionadas en Materia de Violencia Política contra las Mujeres en Razón de Género, en acatamiento a la sentencia dictada por la Sala Superior del Tribunal Electoral del Poder Judicial de la Federación en el expediente SUP-REC-91/2020 y acumulado.” Diario Oficial de la Federación de México, September 22, 2020. 

¿Qué es la iniciativa #3de3vsViolencia presentada por diputadas? Mujer México, August 10, 2020.

Jiménez, Horacio. “Buscan diputadas que hombres violentos no ocupen cargos públicos.” El Universal, August 8, 2020. 

“Ordena TEPJF al INE crear lista de quienes cometan violencia política de género; la rechazan 2 magistrados.” Aristegui Noticias, July 29, 2020. 

Feminists symbolically occupy MORENA headquarters amidst sexual assault accusations

11/10/20 (written by vrice) – Feminist activists mobilized on October 12th, blocking the entrance to the Mexico City headquarters of the National Regeneration Movement (Movimiento Regeneración Nacional, MORENA/Morena), the political party of current president, Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO). The women gathered to prevent candidate Porfirio Muñoz Ledo from declaring himself the winner of contested elections for the party presidency, due to numerous allegations of sexual assault against him. 

Feminist protestors outside Morena’s headquarters. Sign reads “Nuestra primera militancia es la feminista #YoTeCreoHermana” (“Our first affiliation is feminist #IBelieveYouSister”). Photo: Carlo Echegoyen via Animal Político 

Occupation of MORENA headquarters

On October 16, the National Electoral Institute (Instituto Nacional Electoral, INE) declared that elections for Morena’s next president had resulted in a technical tie between candidates Muñoz Ledo and Mario Delgado, requiring that a new poll be conducted. In response, Muñoz Ledo accused the INE’s Councilor President, Lorenzo Córdova, of refusing to acknowledge his victory, and demanded that Córdova rectify the decision or resign. Via virtual conference Muñoz Ledo also denounced the Electoral Tribunal (Tribunal Electoral) as corrupt, and stated that he would not accept the results of the next poll as he had already won. Two days after these accusations, Muñoz Ledo then published a tweet calling on his supporters to accompany him to the headquarters the following afternoon to forcibly assume the presidency of Morena. 

Given the numerous accusations of sexual assault against Muñoz Ledo in the preceding weeks, feminist activists mobilized in response to his statements in order to, “prevent an abuser from taking over Morena” (“para impedir que un acosador se apropie del partido”). At 8:00am on October 12, feminist activists gathered outside the gate of Morena’s headquarters in the Colonia Roma district of Mexico City to pressure the party to take action against Muñoz Ledo. The protestors prevented any entry or exit by placing red tape that read “peligro” (danger) and numerous signs on the building’s entrance, with phrases like, “Aquí no entran violadores” (“rapists cannot enter here”) and “Morena será feminista” (“Morena will be feminist”). They also wrote “clausurado” (closed) with pink chalk on the sidewalk outside the gates. 

A few hours after the demonstration began, primarily male Muñoz Ledo supporters gathered to challenge the feminist activists, demanding that the women file formal complaints if their accusations against Muñoz Ledo were truly legitimate. Also in attendance were federal representatives of Morena, Lorena Villavicencio and Irma Juan Carlos. Via megaphone the representatives echoed requests for the demonstrators to present formal accusations, and asked that Muñoz Ledo’s attempt to assume the presidency not be impeded. Despite the fact that shortly before 12:00pm Muñoz Ledo announced via twitter he would no longer visit the headquarters, groups of protestors remained outside the building until 1:00pm. Muñoz Ledo accused his opponent in the election, Mario Delgado, of organizing the feminist protest—which he described as a “violent assault.” Other Muñoz Ledo supporters, including Villavicencio, attributed the protest’s orchestration to Delgado.

Mario Delgado presenting a letter to the INE on October 12th urging acceleration of the third survey to decide Morena’s president. Photo: EFE via Forbes México

Silence amidst assault allegations

While Muñoz Ledo has denied the numerous accusations of sexual assault that surfaced on social media in the last few weeks, Morena has yet to release a statement regarding the allegations. In a videoconference with Animal Político, Muñoz Ledo reiterated that the denunciations were “false” and questioned the credibility of his accusers, asking why many of the women who claimed to have suffered abuses years ago had still not filed formal complaints. Muñoz Ledo further defended himself, saying he was a “family man” who has always protected women, and thus the accusations were ill-founded and “stupid.” The aspiring Morena president also shared with Animal Político that individuals like Delgado are guilty of mismanaging Morena’s finances, and that he has already submitted a request to the Financial Intelligence Unit (Unidad de Inteligencia Financiera) to investigate Delgado for money laundering. Muñoz Ledo has also accused Delgado of aspiring to the Morena presidency to usurp AMLO’s power.

Morena’s interim president, Alfonso Ramírez Cuellar, took to Twitter the morning of the protest to encourage supporters and leaders to prioritize the party’s unity and institutionality above all else. In the Chamber of Deputies, female representatives affiliated with Delgado announced they would submit a formal complaint to the Comission of Honor and Justice (Comisión de Honor y Justicia) regarding the feminist occupation and allegations against Muñoz Ledo. Despite founding Morena and having used the headquarters as the home base for his 2018 presidential campaign, AMLO refused to release a statement on the demonstration or the conflict between Delgado and Muñoz Ledo. In a press conference on Monday, AMLO told the aspiring presidential candidates to come to an agreement, and justified his silence as abstention from partisan matters and due to other pressing obligations.

Sources

Jiménez, Horacio. “Diputadas afines a Mario Delgado denunciarán a Muñoz Ledo por acoso.” El Universal, Oct. 14, 2020.

Chávez, Víctor. “Muñoz Ledo no acepta otra encuesta e insiste en asumir dirigencia de Morena.” El Financiero, Oct. 13, 2020. 

Jiménez, Néstor. “A la sede de Morena llegan protestas y hasta acusaciones de acoso.” La Jornada, Oct. 13, 2020. 

@ArturoCanoMx. “Dos pequeños grupos, uno de mujeres jóvenes y otro integrado mayoritariamente por hombres mayores, sostienen duelo de consignas frente a la sede de 

@PartidoMorenaMx, pese a que @PMunozLedo ha anunciado que no vendrá.” Oct. 12, 2020, 9:41 am CDT. Tweet. 

Domínguez, Pedro. “AMLO llama a aspirantes a dirigencia de Morena a ponerse de acuerdo en proceso.” Milenio, Oct. 12, 2020.

Dorantes, Rodolfo. “Feministas ‘clausuran’ sede de Morena en la colonia Roma.” Excélsior, Oct. 12, 2020.

“Feministas toman sede de Morena ante llegada de Porfirio Muñoz Ledo.” El Universal, Oct. 12, 2020. 

Jiménez, Néstor. “Desiste Muñoz Ledo de asumir mando de Morena por toma de la sede.” La Jornada, Oct. 12, 2020. 

“Mujeres toman sede de Morena, acusan a Muñoz Ledo de acoso; Delgado pide a INE agilizar encuesta.” Animal Político, Oct. 12, 2020.

@PMunozLedo. “Hoy a las 12:00hrs iba a rendir protesta como presidente legítimo del partido. Sucede que fue tomada la sede del mismo en un asalto violento provocado por el candidato al que derroté. Demando el cese de hostilidades y la inversión multimillonaria en la vida del partido. (1/2).” Oct. 12, 2020, 9:13 AM CDT. Tweet.

@FridaGomezP. “Feministas convocan a la clausura de MORENA para impedir que ‘un acosador se apropie del partido.’” Oct. 12, 2020, 7:14 am CDT. Tweet.

Lastiri, Diana. “Muñoz Ledo califica declaraciones de Mario Delgado de graves y estúpidas.” El Universal, Oct. 11, 2020.

@PMunozLedo. “Tomaré la Presidencia de Morena mañana 12 de Octubre a las 12:00hrs. Invito a la militancia a que me acompañe. Nos vemos en Chihuahua 216, Col. Roma Norte, Delegación Cuauhtémoc 06700, Ciudad de México. Confío en su solidaridad. Los espero.” Oct. 11, 2020, 1:27 pm CDT. Tweet. 

@PMunozLedo. “Lorenzo Córdova, responsable de la democracia mexicana afirmó que la contienda interna está empatada por .5 décimas porcentuales, debiera saber que por un solo voto se gana. Supina ignorancia o mala fe. Se negó a reconocer mi victoria. Lo invito a que rectifique o que renuncie.” Oct. 10, 2020, 8:15 am CDT. Tweet.