Violence Against The Press in Mexico

8/20/2018 (written by Quinn Skerlos)-  Earlier this summer, on May 29th, the body of Hector Gonzalez Antonio was found on a dirt road in Ciudad Victoria, Tamaulipas.  According to authorities, Gonzalez Antonio’s corpse showed signs of being beaten, likely with rocks. The journalist, worked for Grupo Imagen’s TV and newspaper services, and covered a crime beat. On June 30th, Mexican journalist, Jose Guadalupe Chan Dzib was murdered in Quintana Roo, one of Mexico’s historically least violent states. Even more recently, journalist and founder of Playa News, Ruben Pat was murdered on July 24th also in Quintana Roo, bringing the journalist death toll for 2018 to at least 7. He had previously reported being threatened by local police.  A relevant report on violence against journalists by the Congressional Research Service highlights the occupational hazards that Mexican journalists like Gonzalez Antonio, Chan Dzib, and Pat experience and the counter-measures implemented to protect their line of work.

Congressional Research Service Report

On May 27, 2018, the Congressional Research Service (CRS, Library of Congress), a non-partisan research firm that provides policy analysis for the U.S. House and Senate, published a report on press freedom, or lack thereof, in Mexico. The author, Clare Ribando Seelke, is a Latin America specialist and well-published author, particularly on topics of human trafficking in Latin America. This recent report, titled “Violence Against Journalists in Mexico: in Brief” investigates the following; the status of press freedom in Mexico, violent crimes against journalists, Mexico’s efforts to address said violence, and finally, the role of the U.S. government in encouraging Mexican rule of law.

Mexican journalist Hector Gonzalez Antonio was found beaten to death in Tamaulipas.

Mexican journalist Hector Gonzalez Antonio was found beaten to death in Tamaulipas. (AFP/Getty Images)

The report leads off with a comparison of press freedom within Latin America, and a summary of crimes against journalists. Although press freedom has continued to decline across Latin America, the report argues that Mexico remains one of the most dangerous places in the world to be a journalist. The report highlights statistics from both Justice in Mexico and the Committee to Protect Journalists to show the hazards faced by journalists (CPJ). For example, in the last decade, Justice in Mexico reports that 140 journalists and media professionals were killed in Mexico. On that note, the report identifies that Mexico sports one of the highest murder rates for journalists in the world and is in the top 10 deadliest countries worldwide for media workers. In 2017 alone, Article 19, an international human rights organization, found that there were 500 “aggressions,” or violent actions against journalists not limited to just kidnapping and murder (Article 19). This number is significantly higher than the year before and Mexican journalists continue to face economic and psychological pressures, leading some to seek asylum abroad.

The report then delves into some of the efforts taken by Mexican officials to counter and reduce violence against journalists. According to the CRS report, the Federal Protection Mechanism, established by the Mexican government in 2012, has provided protection for 380 journalists by means of armed guards, panic buttons, and other resources. Another governmental initiative, the Special Unit for Crimes Against Journalists and Violations of Freedom of Expression (Fiscalía Especial para la Atención de Delitos Cometidos contra la Libertad de Expresión, or FEADLE) was established as its own office under the Attorney General in 2010. FEADLE has the authority to investigate any case, even if it is already under review by state authorities. However, the CRS report also underlines the shortcomings of governmental protections in Mexico. For example, the U.N. and other human rights authorities maintained that the Federal Protection mechanism is “surprisingly limited,” as studies have shown that some panic buttons lacked functionality and were structurally ineffective (OHCHR). These buttons reach only local police, who potentially lack the resources or the will to help, or are in the pocket of organized crime (OHCHR). Only 12.6 percent of cases investigated by FEADLE ended in convictions against perpetrators from 2010 until 2017, leading the Inter-American Commission for Human Rights to state that FEADLE “still has not made any impact in combatting impunity (OHCHR).” The CRS highlighted a CPJ report that claims an 86% impunity rate for journalists killed as a result of their work (CPJ).

In its conclusion, the report underscores the U.S. State Department-sponsored Merida Initiative that has given 2.9 billion dollars in support of rule of law in Mexico. However, as the report points out, U.S. congressional officials have discussed concerns about human rights conditions in Mexico, including the Mexican government’s ineffective protection of journalists and human rights advocates. Governmental organizations receiving U.S. aid continue to be monitored, and in 2014 and 2016 Mexico was refused certain assets because they had not made sufficient progress on human rights issues. While there have been policy obstacles for the partnership, the partnership remains, with aid specifically directed towards strengthening rule of law, protecting human rights, and reducing impunity rates.

 

Press Freedom Currently, and in Relation to the World

Members of the press hold images of colleagues during a protest against the murder or disappearance of more than 140 journalists and photojournalists in Mexico since 2000, in front of the National Palace in Mexico City on June 1, 2018. (AFP PHOTO, Yuri Cortez)

Members of the press hold images of colleagues during a protest against the murder or disappearance of more than 140 journalists and photojournalists in Mexico since 2000, in front of the National Palace in Mexico City on June 1, 2018. (AFP, Yuri Cortez)

According to Justice in Mexico’s “2018 Drug Violence Report,” 133 Mexican journalists have been killed from 2006 to 2016. The report highlights that journalists in Mexico are three times more likely to be killed than the general public. Last year alone, 14 media workers were killed, including the prominent corruption and organized crime reporters Miroslava Breach and Javier Valdez. La Jornada, one of Mexico City’s daily newspapers, reported that Mexican journalists do not feel confident in government institutions to protect them, and that more than 60% of journalists surveyed have reported aggressions pointed towards them regardless of public protections (La Jornada).

Even with government measures, such as FEADLE and the federal protection mechanism, Reporters Without Borders listed Mexico as 147th in world press freedom for 2018, a worse ranking than South Sudan and Afghanistan (RSF). In a statement made by the CPJ, impunity “has made the country one of the most dangerous places in the world for reporters” and the 2000 acts of violence against journalists in Mexico recorded by the CPJ since 2012 seem to echo this sentiment (CPJ). Journalism across Mexico is being affected by violence and impunity, and while the government appears to have taken steps to help, there is room for improvement in order to fully protect press freedom and journalists in Mexico.

 

 

 

 

 

Works Cited

Aguilar, Roberto. “Condenan asesinato del periodista Héctor González Antonio.” El Universal. May 30, 2018. http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/nacion/seguridad/condenan-asesinato-del-periodista-hector-gonzalez-antonio

Calderon, Laura. Shirk, David. Rodriguez Feirerra, Octavio. “Drug Violence in Mexico: Data and Analysis Through 2017.” Justice in Mexico. April 2018. https://justiceinmexico.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/04/180411_DrugViolenceinMexico.pdf

Linthicum, Kate. “Anther Journalist has been killed in Mexico- the sixth this year.” Los Angeles Times. May 29, 2018. http://www.latimes.com/world/mexico-americas/la-fg-mexico-journalist-killed-20180529-story.html

Muedano, Marcos. “Feadle inicia investigacion por asesinato de Hector Gonzalez Antonio.” Excelsior. May 30, 2018. https://www.excelsior.com.mx/nacional/feadle-inicia-investigacion-por-asesinato-de-hector-gonzalez-antonio/1242150

Olivares Alonso, Emir. “Periodistas desconfian de instituciones,” La Jornada, June 27, 2017. http://www.jornada.com.mx/2017/06/27/economia/003n2pol

“Mexicn Journalist Hector Gonzalez Antonio Beaten to Death.” Al Jazeera, May 30, 2018. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2018/05/mexican-journalist-hector-gonzalez-antonio-beaten-death-180530053135595.html

“Mexican Journalist Found Dead in Tamaulipas State.” Committee to Protect Journalists. May 30, 2018.  https://cpj.org/2018/05/mexican-journalist-found-dead-in-tamaulipas-state.php

“2018 World Press Freedom Index.” Reporters Without Borders. 2018.  https://rsf.org/en/ranking

“Libertades en Resistencia: Informe 2016 de Article 19.” Articulo 19. April 2017. https://articulo19.org/informe2016/.

“Preliminary Observations by the UN Special Rapporteur on freedom of expression and the Special Rapporteur on freedom of expression of the IACHR following their joint visit to Mexico.” United Nations Human Rights Office of the High Commissioner. December 4, 2017. https://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=22484

“Journalist murdered in southern Mexico before Sunday’s elections.” Reuters. June 30, 2018. https://www.reuters.com/article/us-mexico-violence/journalist-murdered-in-southern-mexico-before-sundays-elections-idUSKBN1JQ0ZT

“Journalist gunned down in Mexican resort town.” Reuters. July 24, 2018. https://www.reuters.com/article/us-mexico-violence/journalist-gunned-down-in-mexican-resort-town-idUSKBN1KE2OL

Implications of Lopez Obrador’s Security Agenda

06/30/2018 (written by Lucy Clement La Rosa)-  On July 1, 2018, in one of the most unprecedented elections of its history, Mexico elected a new President. Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador, commonly known by his initials, AMLO, will be Mexico’s next President. Previously having run for president in 2006 and 2012, his victory, though groundbreaking, is not surprising. AMLO consistently led election polls in comparison to the other major party candidates, Ricardo Anaya and Jose Antonio Meade.

It goes without saying that 2018 will stand out in Mexico’s election history. For the first time ever, independent candidates were able to seek presidential nomination. In addition, aside from electing a new party candidate, Mexican citizens voted for over 18,000 elected positions. With 89 million eligible voters, the highest in Mexican history, election outcomes have the potential to markedly change Mexico’s political landscape. On that note, Lopez Obrador’s victory may significant influence on Mexico’s relationship with its northern neighbor, the United States. Even more so, however, Lopez Obrador’s proposed security agenda could have unique implications on Mexico’s current security.

Lopez Obrador’s Background

Born in Mexico’s state of Tabasco, Lopez Obrador went on to study political science and public administration at the National Autonomous University of Mexico (Universidad Autónoma de México, UNAM), Mexico’s largest public university. Lopez Obrador’s political experience is rooted in Mexico’s long standing political party, the Institutional Revolutionary Party (Partido Revolucionario Institucional, PRI). In 1976, he actively supported and campaigned on behalf of PRI Senate Candidate, Carlos Pellicer.

Lopez Obrador left the party in 1988 to join the National Democratic Front (Frente Democrático Nacional, FDN), a dissident left-wing coalition assembled to challenge the hegemonic rule of the PRI. That same year, Lopez Obrador ran as opposition for Tabasco’s governorship. Although he lost, he ultimately became the president of the Party of the Democratic Revolution, a center-left party founded from the remnants of the FDN. Lopez Obrador served as PRD president from 1996 to 1999.

Throughout his tenure, Lopez Obrador continued to build his political stature, including campaigning for indigenous rights, and organizing protests against Mexico’s behemoth energy company, Mexican Petroleum (Petróleos Mexicanos, PEMEX), and PRI corruption. In 2000, he was elected as Mexico City’s mayor. His time in office was considered to be generally successful as his administration significantly improved Mexico City’s infrastructure, including remodeling the historic metropolitan center, expanding highways and improving public transportation with the introduction of Metrobus, a public transit system.

Lopez Obrador resigned from his mayoral position in order to seek presidential nomination for the PRD for the 2006 Presidential elections. Although he led the majority of the election polls, National Action Party (Partido Acción Nacional, PAN) candidate, Felipe Calderon, edged ahead by less than one percent.  Lopez Obrador protested the election results, demanding a recount and even held a public “inauguration” declaring himself the legitimate president of Mexico. Lopez Obrador ran again for president in 2012, once again falling short and alleging election

Supporters for Andres Manuel López Obrador. (Guillermo Arias, The New York Times)

Supporters for Andres Manuel López Obrador. (Guillermo Arias, The New York Times)

fraud.

Ultimately, Lopez Obrador stepped away from the PRD and founded his own political party in 2014, the National Regeneration Movement (Movimiento de Regeneración Nacional, MORENA).  In coalition with a left-wing Labor Party (Partido del Trabajo, PT), and right-wing Social Encounter Party (Partido Encuentro Social, PES), Lopez Obrador once again sought presidential candidacy in the 2018 elections.

A Revised Security Agenda  

Under the slogan, “Together we will make history (Juntos Haremos Historia),” Lopez Obrador successfully led a center-left campaign that captured over 50% of the vote with one of the highest election margins in Mexican political history. His firebrand promises to bring change to Mexico, resonated with many Mexican voters. Lopez Obrador emphasized his determination to uproot corruption across Mexico and address rampant issues of poverty and violence.

In particular, his rule of law and security-specific proposals include: creating a National School of Public Security to enforce a zero-tolerance policy on corruption among law enforcement, establish state-level entities and obligatory trainings to monitor and increase the professionalization of law enforcement officials across Mexico, target the socio-economic roots of organized crime to reduce the incentive of organized crime, reform the 19th Constitutional Article to allow for preemptive imprisonment for corruption crimes, and analyze the efficiency of the Judiciary Council and revise the structure of the federal judiciary, in particular the Supreme Court, accordingly.

One of Lopez Obrador’s most controversial security proposals includes amnesty legislation for the purpose of reducing cyclical patterns of socio-economic insecurity in Mexico. Following his election, Lopez Obrador held his first security cabinet meeting to further develop the parameters of this proposed legislation. According to Alfonso Durazo- Lopez Obrador’s selection for Secretary of Public Security, a newly reinstated position of state- amnesty would be key to the new administration’s security agenda.

Notwithstanding that amnesty is a politically ionized concept, particularly in Mexico’s current state of insecurity, some see it as a step towards the de-escalation of Mexico’s violence. Raúl Zepeda Gil, a security expert for the Institute Belisario Domínguez of the Senate of the Republic (Instituto Belisario Domínguez del Senado de la República), identifies three ways in which amnesty could introduce effective mechanisms for reducing violence, including: the perspective of post-conflict pacification, alternative sentencing for minor/non-violent acts, and revised drug regulations. Although, he concedes that implementing amnesty comes with another set of issues, such as sustainability and corruption, Zepeda highlights the benefits of amnesty negotiations and transitional justice strategies applied in Colombia, a country which experienced violence and organized crime similar to Mexico. Ultimately, he argues that amnesty legislation for Mexico may in fact be an effective formula to redressing systemic patterns of violence and socio-economic instability.

Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador and Olga Sánchez Cordero.

Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador and Olga Sánchez Cordero. (Marco Ugarte, Associated Press).

These aforementioned and often controversial mechanisms are already under-consideration and open to public debate, according to Olga Sánchez Cordero, Lopez Obrador’s selection for Secretary of Government. In a recent Seminar on Violence and Peace: Forget, Truth, or Justice? (Seminario sobre Violencia y Paz: ¿Olvido, verdad o Justicia?), she affirmed that the new administration will be open to transitional justice mechanisms in their bid to uphold a human rights-focused agenda. In the words of Sanchez Cordero, Mexico needs new institutions and new systems to amend its reality, including amnesty negotiations, but also alternative and reduced sentencings, the decriminalization of certain drugs, reparation polies, and socio-economic policies targeting the recovery of public spaces.

Lopez Obrador’s intended approach has already elicited a response from the White House, in particular the topic of narcotic policies. In answer to the possibility that Mexico may legalize drugs, Sarah Sanders, the White House Press Secretary, asserted that the United States no way supports the legalization of drugs. However, Sanchez Cordero’s proposals have thus far only suggested the decriminalization of marijuana and opium.

Although Lopez Obrador is adamant in his promise to reinvent the security strategies used in Mexico, critics are skeptical, pointing out that his proposed security policies are relatively experimental in Mexico. Regardless, on election day, Mexican voters were willing to take a leap of faith. In the words of Laura Chinchilla, former President of Costa Rica, recent populist elections reflect a regional demand for change. “The results are not endorsements of ideologies, but rather demands for change, a fatigue felt by people waiting for answers that simply have not arrived (New York Times).”

Upon accepting his appointment as President elect, Lopez Obrador stated that under his leadership he will “establish an authentic democracy” in Mexico. Political promises, apprehensive criticisms and hopeful constituents aside, only time will reveal the attainability of Lopez Obrador’s proposed security agenda.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Sources

“Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador.” Encyclopaedia Britannica. July 2, 2018. https://www.britannica.com/biography/Andres-Manuel-Lopez-Obrador

Palacios, Surya. “Perfil: Quien es Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO)? Alto Nivel. July 2, 2018. https://www.altonivel.com.mx/elecciones-2018/amlo/perfil-amlo-lopez-obrador/

Lafuente, Javier. “La Victoria de López Obrador lleva al poder a la izquierda en México.” El Pais. July 2, 2018. https://elpais.com/internacional/2018/07/02/mexico/1530496335_470433.html

Najar, Alberto. “5 razones que hacen históricas las elecciones presidenciales en México.” BBC Mundo. July 1, 2018. http://www.bbc.com/mundo/noticias-america-latina-43578377

Ahmed, Azam and Paulina Villegas. “Lopez Obrador, an Atypical Leftist, Wins Mexico Presidency in Landslide.” The New York Times. July 1, 2018. https://www.nytimes.com/2018/07/01/world/americas/mexico-election-andres-manuel-lopez-obrador.html

“Esto fue lo que dijo López Obrador tras su Victoria electoral (discursos completos).” Animal Politico. July 2, 2018. https://www.animalpolitico.com/2018/07/discursos-lopez-obrador/

Zepeda Gil, Raúl. “Pacificación a la mexicana: apuntes sobre la propuesta de amnistía de López Obrador.” Nexos. July 9, 2018. https://seguridad.nexos.com.mx/?p=886

The Potential Effects of Violence on the Mexican Economy

Source: DIMSA

06/01/18 (written by Quinn Skerlos)- In the shadow of its most violent year in decades, Mexico experienced economic challenges and a downturn in economic growth rates. As the country faced an average of 80 intentional homicides per day in 2017 (El País), CNN reports that Mexico’s economic growth rate also fell almost a full percent, while 2% GDP, rising interest and inflationary rates show more signs of economic trouble. While levels of rising violence cannot be held fully accountable for this period of economic contraction- as lengthy NAFTA negotiations and widespread distrust in electoral processes also play a part- the Mexico Peace Index has suggested that violence is an obstacle for the Mexican economy.

 

Violence Generating Threats to Business

According to the American Chamber of Commerce of Mexico, companies are consistently tasked to deal with the threat of theft, extortion, and violent attacks against their employees and supply chains. Mexican companies, such as “Grupo Lala,” closed distribution centers in states with high crime and intentional homicide rates like Tamaulipas.

In Guerrero, another state grappling with high homicide rates, the Coca Cola bottler, Coca-Cola FEMSA, closed a major distribution center. The firm previously employed 160 people at that location. FEMSA may be a major international business player, but most small and medium companies face similar challenges. According to Canacintra, a Mexican industry association, in recent years approximately 6% of annual revenue goes into defense for these small and medium sized firms. FEMSA pinned the violence on “a lack of rule of law and the prevalence of impunity (Associated Press).” According to Consejo Coordinador Empresarial (CCE), “high levels of violence have become the greatest obstacle to economic activity,” ultimately impeding economic activity across Mexico and heightening the risk workers face in their everyday occupations (Reuters).

 

International investment in Mexico is has also been impacted. Just recently, in the state of Chihuahua, Canada’s Pan American Silver Corp scaled down operations after a series of threats by armed groups against employees. A large number of employees were sheltered in the mine over the weekend of May 25-27, while others were airlifted out. As workers are impeded from getting to job sites, large and local companies deal with threats and broken supply chains, multinational firms potentially reconsider investment in Mexico. While this incident highlighted the challenges for international companies operating in Mexico, Mexico’s nationalized companies, such as Mexican Petroleum (Petróleos Mexicanos, PEMEX), have faced similar dilemmas. It is estimated that the theft of oil and gas from PEMEX is equal to about one billion dollars annually.

 

Source: CNN

The Bigger Picture

According to Reuters, in 2017 alone, violence cost the economy 2.18 trillion pesos (106 million US dollars), and the Mexico Peace Index shows that the Mexican government increased violence containment spending by 70% in the past decade. According to the Mexico Peace Index, said statistics could suggest a parallel between violence with economic instability.

According to a recent Pew Research poll, in 2017, Mexicans were generally unsatisfied with their country’s progress. The ruling party, Institutional Revolutionary Party (Partido Revolucionario Institucional, PRI), presidential candidate is sitting behind the pack in a distant third place. The emergence of a new popular party in the recent elections might show a dissatisfaction with the status quo. A 2018 Bloomberg poll shows that the leadership of Mexico will likely change after the upcoming election. What that means for the rule of law and the economy in Mexico is still unknown.

 

 

Sources

Angulo, Sharay., Esposito, Anthony. “Businesses turn up the heat on Mexican government over crime surge.” Reuters. May 28, 2018. https://www.reuters.com/article/us-mexico-violence/businesses-turn-up-heat-on-mexican-government-over-crime-surge-idUSKCN1IU031

Verza, Maria. “Canadian mine latest business affected by Mexico violence.” Associated Press. May 28, 2018. https://abcnews.go.com/International/wireStory/canadian-owned-mine-cuts-back-mexico-safety-55491513.

“El Banco Mundial en Mexico.” Banco Mundial. April 16, 2018. http://www.bancomundial.org/es/country/mexico/overview

“3 Focos Rojos Para El Crecimiento Economico de Mexico En 2018” Expansion. March 12, 2018. https://expansion.mx/economia/2018/03/12/3-focos-rojos-para-el-crecimiento-economico-de-mexico-en-2018

Stargardter, Gabriel. “The Refinery Racket.” Reuters. January 24, 2018.  https://www.reuters.com/investigates/special-report/mexico-violence-oil/

“Mexico Peace Index 2018.” Institute for Economics and Peace. 2018.

Perez, David Marcial. “Mexico cerrara 2017 como el mas violente en 20 anos.” El Pais. December 23, 2017. https://elpais.com/internacional/2017/12/23/actualidad/1513997748_288693.html

Vice, Margaret. Chen, Hanyu. “Mexicans are Downbeat on their Country’s Direction.” Pew Reseearch Center, September 14, 2017. http://www.pewglobal.org/2017/09/14/mexicans-are-downbeat-about-their-countrys-direction/

Ahrens, Jan Martin. “Sobrevivir en Tamaulipas.” El Pais. April 15, 2015. https://elpais.com/internacional/2015/04/15/actualidad/1429128474_283895.htm

Gayol, Rafeal. Manuel Rodriguez, Carlos. Spinetto, Juan Pablo. Walsh, Brandon. “Mexican Election Coverage.” Bloomberg. June 25, 2018. https://www.bloomberg.com/graphics/2018-mexican-election/

 

 

 

“El Resurgimiento del Crimen Violento en Tijuana”: Análisis de Justice in Mexico

05/18/18 (by Octavio Rodríguez Ferreira and David A. Shirk) — Justice in Mexico has released a new Spanish translation of “The Resurgence of Violent Crime in Tijuana” by Jaime Arredondo, Zulia Orozco, Octavio Rodríguez Ferreira, and David A. Shirk.

The publication provides an assessment of the recent resurgence of violent crime in the Mexican border city of Tijuana in the state of Baja California. Drawing on the latest available information and statistics, the authors examine the varied trends in the major categories of violent crimes in Tijuana: homicide, assault, robbery, extortion, kidnapping, rape, and other sex crimes.

Below you will find a detailed summary of the report in Spanish. For a detailed summary in English, click here.

Descargar “El Resurgimiento del Crimen Violento en Tijuana”

Análisis: El Resurgimiento del Crimen Violento en Tijuana

El análisis del programa Justicia en México de la Universidad de San Diego, elaborado por de Jaime Arredondo Sánchez Lira, Zulia Orozco, Octavio Rodríguez Ferreira y David A. Shirk, bajo el título “El Resurgimiento del Crimen Violento en Tijuana” proporciona una evaluación del reciente incremento de delitos con violencia en la ciudad fronteriza del estado de Baja California. Basándose en la información y las estadísticas disponibles más recientes  los autores examinan las distintas tendencias de las principales categorías de delitos violentos en Tijuana: homicidio, asalto, robo, extorsión, secuestro, violación y otros delitos sexuales.

Según la Secretaría de Seguridad Pública del Estado de Baja California, el número de homicidios en 2008 y 2009 alcanzaron los 1,094, que en ese momento representaban niveles récord de violencia para la ciudad. Sin embargo, a partir de 2015, la ciudad experimentó un aumento gradual en el número de homicidios en 2015 (612 casos con 674 víctimas), 2016 (872 casos con 919 víctimas) y 2017 (1,618 casos con 1,780 víctimas) que ahora han colocado a la ciudad en la cima del incremento nacional de homicidios, en donde Tijuana representa cerca del 6% de todas las víctimas de homicidio en México.

 

Los autores han encontrado que la distribución de la violencia en Tijuana es desigual, y refleja divisiones geográficas, económicas y sociales. Al examinar los datos de homicidios a nivel colonia, los autores encontraron que dicha violencia está altamente concentrada en áreas específicas, principalmente en tres grupos que corresponden a zonas específicas dentro de la ciudad: Tijuana Oriental (que comprende las delegaciones de La Presa, La Presa Este y Otay). la delegación de Sánchez Taboada y la delegación Centro. También encontraron que el 20% de todos los homicidios se concentraron en solo 10 de las aproximadamente 850 colonias de Tijuana. De ellos, las tres colonias más violentas representaron el 10% de todos los homicidios en el municipio: Camino Verde (75), Zona Norte (49), Zona Centro (32).

Mientras tanto, las tendencias delictivas se han mezclado para generar otras formas de crímenes violentos en Tijuana en los últimos años. Por ejemplo, los robos a mano armada en espacios públicos también han disminuido en general desde su punto más alto en 2008-10, cuando en promedio se contabilizaban más de 300 incidentes reportados por mes. De 2015 a 2017, la incidencia promedio mensual bajó a aproximadamente la mitad de esa cantidad, sin embargo, en los últimos años ha habido un fuerte aumento en el número de robos a mano armada en establecimientos comerciales de Tijuana llegando a los 300 incidentes reportados por mes, además de registrarse un aumento en el número de robos de automóviles de los 7,655 casos reportados en 2016 a 10,148 en 2017, es decir, unaumento del 32.6%.

 

 

En un esfuerzo por explicar estas tendencias, los autores ofrecen una visión general de la historia reciente del crimen organizado en Tijuana, con la consideración del papel que han desempeñado en las recientes olas de violencia. Los autores encontraron que ha habido un cambio importante en las dinámicas de la delincuencia organizada en Tijuana después de la detención y posterior extradición de Joaquín “El Chapo” Guzmán, quien una vez comandara el cártel de Sinaloa. Desde la caída del capo, una nueva organización criminal, conocida como el “Cártel de Jalisco Nueva Generación” ha afianzado su presencia en Tijuana y ha enfrentado directamente a los restos del cártel de Sinaloa. En medio del conflicto entre estas poderosas organizaciones criminales—y el vacío de liderazgo en la ciudad—ha habido una falta de control sobre pandillas, traficantes y vendedores de drogas ilícitas, y grupos dedicados a otras actividades ilícitas, todo a nivel de cada esquina, calle y colonia.

Para abordar los problemas delictivos recientes de la ciudad, los autores ofrecen una discusión de las respuestas de seguridad pública y las opciones de políticas disponibles para abordar la crisis de seguridad actual en Tijuana, con algunas recomendaciones generales de política pública para abordar los desafíos recientes de la ciudad. Los autores presentan cinco conjuntos generales de recomendaciones:

Abordar la marginación social y económica:

  1. Invertir en programas de desarrollo social y económico
  2. Implementar estrategias de policía comunitaria en zonas altamente violentas
  3. Mejorar el transporte público y el acceso a las colonias
  4. Programas de desarrollo juvenil y social
  5. Recuperación y creación de espacios públicos

Combatir el crimen organizado:

  1. Reducir la dependencia en la estrategia de Kingpin
  2. Reforzar la capacidad local de las agencias de seguridad pública ante la dinámica cambiante del delito
  3. Disuasión concentrada de la violencia

Atención a Poblaciones Especiales:

  1. Centrarse en prevenir y detener la violencia doméstica
  2. Aumentar la sensibilidad a la atención de víctimas especiales por parte de la policía
  3. Ajustes estacionales en despliegue de la fuerza y en los ​​esfuerzos de atención a víctimas

Ser inteligentes en el tema de las drogas:

  1. Programas de rehabilitación para el uso drogas
  2. Programas de prevención de uso drogas
  3. Colaboración binacional en nuevas regulaciones de marihuana en California
  4. Desarrollar un enfoque de salud pública basado en la evidencia empírica

Mejorar el análisis del crimen y la violencia

  1. Reportar las coordenadas geoespaciales precisas de los crímenes
  2. Profesionalizar el monitoreo y análisis del delito
  3. Fortalecer los programas de estudios criminológicos
  4. Divulgación de pública de la información

 

Descargar “El Resurgimiento del Crimen Violento en Tijuana”

April 2018: News Brief

 

05/05/18 (written by Genesis Lopez)-

Discover the important headlines in Mexico from April 2018.

 

Film Students are killed and dissolved in acid

 

Source: Twitter (Excelsior)

Source: Twitter 

In March of 2018, three film students- Javier Salomón Aceves Gastélum, Daniel Díaz, and Marco Ávalos were last seen in the municipality of Tonalá, Jalisco. The three students were originally reported missing until news broke last week informing the public that they were in fact tortured and murdered. Authorities interviewed over 400 people, allowing them to better understand what happened to the students leading up to their deaths. It is reported that the three students were filming in a safe house belonging to the Cartel Nueva Plaza, the rivals of Cártel Jalisco Nueva Generación (CJNG). They were confused with members of the rival cartel, leading them to be kidnapped and tortured by armed suspects. The students were taken to another safe house where they were dissolved in acid.

The investigation continues to stay open and has led the authorities to various possible suspects, including rapper QBA, also known as Ciro Gómez Leyva. QBA confessed to working with the CJNG and told officials he was in charge of putting the bodies in acid. The news prompted a response nationwide. The governor of Jalisco, Aristóteles Sandoval Díaz, expressed his solidarity to the families who were affected and promised to keep the investigation open until they apprehend all those who were involved.

Sources:

Luna, Adriana, “Fiscalía confirma muerte de estudiantes desaparecidos en Jalisco.” Excelsior. April 23, 2018.

Estudiantes desaparecidos en Jalisco, asesinados y disueltos en ácido.” Forbes Mexico. April 24, 2018.

Luna, Adriana, “Rapero ‘QBA’ fue el encargado de disolver cuerpos de los tres estudiantes: fiscal.” Excelsior. April 25, 2018.

 

Green Party Candidate is Murdered in Morelia

 

Source: Maribel Barajas Cortés Facebook (Excelsior)

Source: Maribel Barajas Cortés Facebook 

On April 11, 2018 in Michoacán, Maribel Barajas Cortés was found dead in a ranch located in a vicinity of Las Flores, Morelia. She was a candidate of the Partido Verde Ecologista de México (Ecologist Green Party of Mexico, PVEM) and was running to be a local representative. In a public report, the Office of the State Attorney General stated that her death was caused by 8 wounds and a hard hit to the head. In the days following the murder, the authorities investigated this case by tracking footage of Maribel’s car, which ultimately led them to the house of a woman named Aurora.

In due course, Aurora “N” was apprehended for being connected to the femicide of Maribel Cortés. The Attorney General said that Aurora “N” was supposedly contracted by Maribel to assassinate her current boyfriend’s ex-girlfriend. The two allegedly agreed to meet and subsequently, negotiated a deal wherein Maribel was to give Aurora 10 million pesos and her car in exchange for the murder of her boyfriend’s former partner. However, the negotiations were derailed, ultimately leading to the murder of Maribel. Aurora is awaiting trial in a Morelia prison known as “Mil Cumbres”. Maribel’s death prompted a response from the PVEM through Twitter. They expressed their condolences and spoke out against violence towards candidates, calling for more thorough investigations and protections in place for those participating in elections.

Sources:

Asesinan a Maribel Barajas, candidata del Partido Verde a una diputación en Michoacán.” Animal Politico. April 11, 2018.

Davish, Francisco García, “Asesinan en Michoacán a candidata del Verde.” Milenio. April 12, 2018.
Tinoco, Miguel García, “Internan en Cereso a mujer detenida por asesinato de candidata del PVEM.” Excelsior. April 15, 2018.

Tinoco, Miguel García, “Candidata asesinada en Michoacán habría contratado a su presunta homicidio.” Excelsior. April 16, 2018.

Arrieta, Carlos, “Vinculan a proceso a presunta homicida de candidata en Michoacán.” El Universal. April 21, 2018.

 

Doña Lety indicted on charges of organized crime and drug trafficking

 

Source: Especial (Excelsior)

Source: Especial 

Famed drug lord, Doña Lety, was indicted for crimes of association to organized crime and drug trafficking in April 2018. Her capture in August 2017 was pivotal for local authorities in Cancun because she was seen as promulgating violent disputes within the city. Leticia Rodriguez, better known as “Doña Lety”, is reportedly a former police officer and one of the few women in Mexico to be the head of a drug cartel. A Mexican court established proceedings against “Doña Lety” and her organized crime group, Cártel de Cancún, which operate in Cancun, a popular tourist destination. “Doña Lety” and her cartel- who allegedly holds ties to El Chapo’s Sinaloa Cartel, plays a predominant role in the drug market of Cancún and Playa del Carmen. The Cartel de Cancún has been operating since 2005, with the alleged help and protection of local authorities. It is reported that a number of Doña Lety’s cartel members were previously involved with other criminal organizations and served as judicial officials.

According to Fox News, the recent incline in murder rates within Cancún is believed to be directly linked to the constant turf war between Cartel de Cancún and their rival, Los Zetas. These two organized crime groups are fighting for control over key drug trafficking plazas in the local region. Most recently, on April 25, 2018, five dead bodies were found stuffed in a car that was reported stolen a month prior. It is stated that murder rates in Cancún have doubled in the past year, with over 113 people killed in 2018 so far.

Sources:

Garcia, Dennise, “Cae Doña Lety; controlaba la venta de droga en Cancún.” El Universal. August 10, 2017.

Reyes, Juan Pablo, “Vinculan a proceso a “Doña Lety” por delincuencia organizada.” Excelsior. April 10, 2018

Eustachewich, Lia. “Cancun murder surge fueled by alleged drug queen’s turf war.” New York Post. April 12, 2018.

Galicia, Alejandra, “Encuentran 5 cuerpos embolsados en un vehículo de Cancun.” La Silla Rota. April 25, 2018.