Former Top Official Implicated in Ayotzinapa Case Still Eluding Authorities

07/29/21 (written by rramos) – Authorities in Mexico continue to face difficulty in capturing Tomás Zerón de Lucio, the ex-director of the Criminal Investigation Agency (Agencia de Investigación Criminal, AIC) in the administration of former President Enrique Peña Nieto (2012-2018) who led the Mexican government’s controversial response to the 2014 disappearance of 43 students from Ayotzinapa, Guerrero. The inability to detain Zerón represents yet another obstacle to fully resolving the mass disappearance, which has persisted as an enduring symbol of impunity and corruption in Mexico. 

Photo: La Razón de México

According to the New York Times, Zerón, who headed the AIC from August 2014 until widespread criticism of his handling of the probe into the Ayotzinapa disappearances prompted his resignation in September 2016, is currently in Israel even as the Mexican government has requested his extradition. Israeli officials who spoke to the New York Times claimed that the decision to not act on the extradition request is diplomatic retribution in response to Mexico’s frequent criticisms of Israel’s treatment of Palestinians in various multilateral fora, including at the United Nations Human Rights Council. Although Israel’s ambassador to Mexico denied that his government was holding up the extradition for political reasons, he did not indicate whether the Israeli government planned on detaining Zerón, simply stating that they have informed Mexican authorities of the “level of evidence and requirements according to Israeli law” (author’s own translation) needed to carry out an extradition request.

Back in Mexico, Zerón faces various legal proceedings. In March 2020, the federal Attorney General’s Office (Fiscalía General de la República, FGR) obtained an arrest warrant against him based on charges related to misconduct during the initial investigation into the Ayotzinapa case. The accusations against Zerón include tampering wth evidence, forcibly disappearing potential witnesses, and using torture to obtain testimony, all part of an alleged effort to distort the results of the inquiry. Current federal Attorney General Alejandro Gertz Manero also accused Zerón of embezzling “billions of pesos” from government coffers while at the helm of the AIC. An additional arrest warrant was issued in April 2021, this time based on allegations that Zerón had participated in the torture of Felipe Rodríguez Salgado. Known by the criminal alias “El Cepillo,” Rodríguez Salgado is alleged to be a leading figure in the Guerreros Unidos criminal group that has been linked to the Ayotzinapa abductions. Specifically, prosecutors allege that Zerón employed tactics such as death threats and sensory deprivation during Rodríguez’s 2015 interrogation in order to force him to provide confessions that would corroborate the government’s official version of events regarding the disappearance of the 43 students. 

Zerón has dismissed the accusations as “political persecution” on the part of the administration of current President Andrés Manuel López Obrador (2018-2024), and has sought political asylum in Israel since January of this year. Although the Israeli government continues to avoid taking action on both the extradition request and the asylum application, Mexican Foreign Secretary Marcelo Ebrard has publicly stated that the López Obrador Administration remains committed to apprehending Zerón, even if the process takes a significant amount of time. 

Zerón Case Highlights Broader Corruption-Related Issues in Mexico

Although President López Obrador vowed to reexamine the Ayotzinapa case upon assuming office in 2018, progress towards bringing the perpetrators to justice has remained frustratingly slow. The continuing fallout from the disappearance of the 43 students, including the ongoing saga involving Tomás Zerón, serves as a reminder of some of the foremost corruption-related challenges in Mexico. 

The allegations against Zerón underscore the persistent impunity enjoyed by members of security forces involved in human rights abuses. Indeed, some have suggested that Zerón’s alleged tampering with the investigation was intended to downplay the possible role of military and federal police officers in the forced abductions. Vidulfo Rosales, a lawyer representing the families of the 43 missing students, has stated openly that he believes that the Peña Nieto government sought to protect members of the Army and Federal Police that may have been involved in the mass kidnapping by putting forward an official version of events that focused heavily on municipal police officers. 

Furthermore, the Zerón case highlights the ever-present risk of politicized investigations and prosecutions in Mexico. As mentioned earlier, Zerón has denounced the corruption charges against him as politically motivated. This is not the first time that corruption probes have been criticized as being weaponized for political reasons. Former officials like Ildefonso Guerrero and Rosario Robles, both of whom served as cabinet secretaries in the Peña Nieto government, have rejected corruption investigations against them as “political persecution.” Accusations of the use of corruption investigations as a political tool are not unique to the current López Obrador administration and have persisted for decades, representing a major impediment to genuine efforts to build Mexico’s capacity to combat corruption. 

While a future arrest of Zerón to face the charges against him in Mexico could be a step towards full resolution of the Ayotzinapa tragedy, longer-term progress in Mexico’s broader struggle against corruption will depend on successfully addressing various systemic challenges that have allowed impunity to persist in the country.   


Daly, Catherine, Heinle, Kimberly, & Shirk, David. “Armed with Impunity: Curbing Military Human Rights Abuses in Mexico.” Justice in Mexico. July 2012. 

Vela, David. “Tomás Zerón renuncia a la Agencia de Investigación Criminal de la PGR.” El Financiero. September 14, 2016.

Maciel, Alejandro. “Venganzas y traiciones: los presos de los presidentes de México.” Los Angeles Times. August 9, 2018. 

Meyer, Maureen & Hinojosa, Gina. “A cinco años, no hay justicia para los 43 estudiantes desaparecidos de Ayotzinapa.” Washington Office on Latin America. September 24, 2019. 

“Tomás Zerón, exfuncionario de la PGR, encara una orden de aprehensión.” Expansión Política. March 18, 2020. 

Castillo, E. Eduardo. “Warrant issued for Mexico’s ex-head of investigations.” Associated Press. March 18, 2020. 

Nájar, Alberto. “Caso Ayotzinapa | ‘se acabó la verdad histórica’: qué supone el giro en la investigación de la desaparición en México de los 43 estudiantes.” BBC News Mundo. July 1, 2020. 

Barrera, Jorge. “Mexico wants Canada to turn over former top cop wanted in alleged cover-up of missing Indigenous students.” Canadian Broadcasting Corporation. July 14, 2020. 

“México debe reformar las fuerzas policiales.” Human Rights Watch. July 24, 2020. 

Meyer, Maureen, Indacochea, Úrsula, & Hinojosa, Gina. “Where Does Mexico Stand in its Fight Against Impunity?” Washington Office on Latin America. August 2020. 3,5. 

“Tomás Zerón se robó mil millones de la PGR, en pago por caso Ayotzinapa: Gertz Manero.” Aristegui Noticias. September 26, 2020. 

“Tomás Zerón, implicado en caso Ayotzinapa, tramita asilo en Israel.” El Economista. January 14, 2021. 

Rodríguez García, Arturo. “Zerón solicitó asilo político en Israel; se insistirá en su extradición, aunque lleve tiempo: Ebrard.” Proceso. January 14, 2021. 

García Soto, Salvador. “Ayotzinapa, ¡sí fueron los militares!” El Universal. January 21, 2021. 

“Rosario Robles se declara inocente de permitir el desvío millonario de recursos.” El País. March 26, 2021. 

Alzaga, Ignacio. “ Giran nueva orden de aprehensión contra Tomás Zerón por caso Ayotzinapa.” El Financiero. April 27, 2021. 

Lastiri, Diana. “Tomás Zerón suma nueva orden de captura por verdad histórica del caso Ayotzinapa.” El Universal. April 27, 2021. 

“El misterio de Ayotzinapa.” Semana. June 19, 2021. 

“‘El que nada debe, nada teme’, dice AMLO sobre investigación contra Ildefonso Guajardo.” Animal Político. July 12, 2021. 

Bergman, Ronen & Lopez, Oscar. “Former Official Wanted by Mexico Takes Refuge in Israel.” New York Times. July 15, 2021. 

Esquivel, J. Jesús. “Israel rehúsa atender pedido de extradición de Zerón por postura de México ante Palestina: NYT.” Proceso. July 15, 2021. 

Gandaria, Manrique. “¿Por qué Israel no extradita a Tomás Zerón a México?” El Sol de México. July 15, 2021. 

Salinas Maldonado, Carlos. “Israel se niega a extraditar a Tomás Zerón.” El País. July 15, 2021. 

“Embajador niega que Israel retrase la extradición de Tomás Zerón para vengarse de México.” Proceso. July 20, 2021.

Witness Links the Military to the 43 Missing Ayotzinapa Students

02/08/21 (written by scortez) – A recently leaked witness testimony directly implicates the military’s involvement in the disappearances of 43 students in the Ayotzinapa case. It is the most recent development to come in the long pursuit of justice for the victims’ families. In 2014, a group of over 100 students from Escuela Normal Rural Raúl Isidro Burgos were traveling to Iguala, Guerrero to protest discriminatory practices against teachers. In a coordinated effort, police intercepted three of the buses heading back to Ayotzinapa on a northbound route and another heading southbound. Once they were pulled over, they were then teargassed, fired on, and loaded into seven patrol cars. Soon after, their families raised national alarms that led to a flurry of investigations to hold those accountable for their disappearance.

Demonstrators and relatives of the missing students protest outside the 27th Army Battalion in Iguala, Guerrero in 2014. Photo by: TRT World and Agencies.

Rapid Arrests in a Discredited Investigation

The initial investigation led to the removal and arrest of the mayor of Iguala, José Luis Abarca Velásquez, and his wife, María de los Ángeles Piñeda Villa, for sanctioning the disappearances. The same investigations resulted in the arrest of numerous local police officers that were involved. According to the BBC, the investigation concluded that the police apprehended the students and handed them over to a drug cartel known as Guerreros Unidos (GU). The cartel took the students to the local dump where they were killed and disposed of into a nearby stream. Despite making several low-level arrests, the findings of the previous investigations have been widely discredited by independent investigators. The lack of sufficient explanation has caused the victims’ relatives and demonstrators to put pressure on the federal government to expand their investigations into the military’s potential involvement. This mounting pressure from a broad coalition of civil society organizations successfully pressured the current government to open a new round of investigations.

New Testimony Reveals Multi-level Corruption

The results of the initial investigation exposed corruption across multiple institutions, implicating local officials, police, and now, members of the military in the disappearance of the 43 students.  In November 2020, Army Captain José Martinez Crespo became the first high-ranking military personnel to be arrested on charges related to the disappearances of the students. He was a military commander at the 27th Army Battalion base when the disappearances occurred. In a recent report from Reforma, a witness testified that the Mexican military handed off the students to GU. The case is part of a larger investigation by Attorney General Alejandro Gertz Manero into the disappearances. The involvement of military personnel had been speculated, but this latest development confirms these suspicions. 

In the same report, the witness, presumed to be a gang member involved in the disappearances, alleges that the military, police, and GU worked in a joint operation to abduct and kill the students. Soldiers from the 27th Battalion, who were under the payroll of the cartel, interrogated students at an army base in Iguala before handing them off to GU. The witness stressed that the true number of those killed was between 70-80 people. GU had allegedly targeted members of Cartel de la Sierra, a rival criminal group based in Tlacotepec, for their debts to GU. Because the cartel members and students were allegedly intermingling at the protest, authorities interrogated the groups upon their arrest in an effort to distinguish the groups. Thereafter, the students and cartel members totaling nearly 80 individuals were handed over to the GU and were disposed of in two ways: dissolved in acid and drained in sewages pipes, and/or hacked to pieces to be taken to a crematorium or scattered across the Iguala outskirts. 

The witness testimony also outlined the criminal conspiracy in the aftermath between police officers and GU cartel members. After the disappearances, police officers and GU members allegedly planted evidence (human remains) near a dump to create a crime scene that would bring fast results to end mounting pressure from the public. The staged crime scene was devised to pin the disappearances on low-level members of the GU cartel and steer investigations away from GU leadership, police, and the military. It also corroborated the initial narrative that federal prosecutors under then-President Enrique Peña Nieto (2012-2018) promoted: the 43 students were mistaken by GU for a rival cartel, killed, and disposed of at the dump. With the witness’ testimony, this narrative illuminates the corrupt relationship between the cartels, police, and the military.

AMLO’s Response to the Leak

President Andrés Manuel López Obrador (2018-2024), commonly known as AMLO, confirmed the reporting from Reforma. His administration is also seeking to prevent further leaks of damning testimony by vowing to charge those responsible for releasing the information. Additionally, relatives of the students expressed concern that the investigation into their disappearance could have been compromised by the witness’ testimony leak and may have potentially damaged their pursuit for justice.

President Lopez Obrador and Undersecretary of Human Rights Alejandro Encinas at the 6th anniversary of the disappearance of the 43 Ayotzinapa students. The pieces of fabric they hold display their commemoration of the 43 Ayotzinapa students and the thousands of others that have disappeared. Photo by: Reuters.

Maintaining Trust in the Military

Despite being one of the most highly regarded institutions by the general public, the military’s integrity continues to be tested by exposing investigative reporting. A recent public opinion poll by Consulta shows that both the military and AMLO’s newly established National Guard have the largest public trust compared to other governmental institutions. However, the report further indicates that public confidence in them has grown sharply in the past two years.

Nevertheless, the shadow of past illicit activities by the military continues to resurface as AMLO attempts to improve the role of the military in domestic issues. The allegations linking the military to the disappearances comes after the 2020 arrest of former Defense Minister Salvador Cienfuegos and his subsequent exoneration for his alleged involvement in drug trafficking. AMLO continues to balance between rallying against corruption while also maintaining public confidence in the military. Damning revelatory reports such as these test AMLO’s capacity to minimize negative exposure to these highly regarded institutions as they have become essential to his strategy. Under AMLO, the military involvement in domestic affairs have increased. According to the Washington Post, AMLO has called on the military to solve domestic issues more often than any other president since the 1940s, when Mexico was a military-run country. Most recently in 2020, the president had ordered the Armed Forces to return to patrolling the streets to quell the continued rise in homicide rates. 

While the AMLO administration is working to maintain public confidence, disappearances continue to occur. According to an NBC News report that referenced Mexico’s National Search Commission (Comisión Nacional de Búsqueda, CNB), as of July 2020, 73,000 people have been reported missing. The majority of cases occurred after 2006, though they have decreased in the past year because of the COVID-19 pandemic. Nevertheless, 40% of all missing persons cases have occurred since President López Obrador took office in December 2018. Despite this recent decline, both the kidnapping and homicide rates have remained at high levels.  

AMLO campaigned on promises to lower the government’s apathy and lower crime rates. The recent developments in the Ayotzinapa investigations indicate that the Mexican Justice Department is finally responding to the years-long demand for justice in this case. The López Obrador administration, however, has yet to unveil a national strategy to address the thousands of missing persons cases.


Molzahn, C. “Investigation continues into kidnapping of 43 education students by municipal police in Iguala, Guerrero.”Justice In Mexico. November 11, 2014. 

Yucatan Times. AMLO’s administration will investigate officials over 2014 case of 43 missing students from Ayotzinapa. Yucatan Times. September 15, 2019. 

“Mexico missing students: Questions remain five years on.” BBC. September 19, 2019. 

Hinojosa, Gina. “Mexico Moves Forward with Efforts to Address Disappearances.” Washington Office on Latin America. March 23 2020. 

Franco, E. Marina. “Mexico reeling over 73,000 missing, according to new numbers.” NBC News. July 14, 2020. 

Najar, Alberto. “Ayotzinapa Case | ‘The historical truth is over’: what the turn in the investigation of the disappearance in Mexico of the 43 students implies.” BBC Mundo. July 1, 2020. 

Heinle, Kimberly. “President López Obrador Targets His Predecessors with a Referendum on Corruption.” Justice In Mexico. November 10, 2020. 

“Por primera vez detienen a un militar por la desaparición de los 43 estudiantes de Ayotzinapa.” Animal Politico. November 13, 2020. 

“Ranking Confianza En Instituciones |México 2020|.” Consulta. December 10, 2020. 

Sheridan, Mary Beth. “As Mexico’s Security Deteriorates, the Power of the Military Grows.” The Washington Post. December 17, 2020. 

Reforma Staff. “Militares y narcos detienen a los 43.” Reforma. January 20, 2021. 

Domínguez, Pedro. “Es Evidente que se fabricó investigación sobre caso Ayotzinapa, dice AMLO.” Milenio. January 21, 2021.

U.S. Congress reacts to human rights concerns in Mexico

logo of Merida Initiative

Source: The Yucatán Times.

08/16/16 (written by kheinle) — Human rights concerns in Mexico have prompted the U.S. Congress to urge the State Department to take action. A letter sent August 9 sponsored by Congressman Alan Lowenthal (D-CA) of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs called on Secretary of State John Kerry and the State Department to withhold 15% of funds allocated for distribution to Mexico under the Merida Initiative for the coming year. From 2008 through 2015, Congress required that at least a portion (15%) of U.S. support through the Merida Initiative be contingent on specific human rights conditions. Such conditions are currently up for review.

With the support of 68 fellow members of Congress, the letter highlighted the grave human rights situation in Mexico as cause for withholding the next round of Merida funding. The letter specifically pointed to the 27,000 unresolved cases of disappeared persons in Mexico, a number that has amassed in just under ten years. It also focused on the disappearance and presumed murder of 43 students who went missing while detained by Mexican security forces in Ayotzinapa, Guerrero in September 2014. That case remains unresolved despite several reputable investigations by international organizations and experts, including the most recent study concluded in April 2016 by the Interdisciplinary Group of Independent Experts (Grupo Interdisciplinario de Expertos Independientes, GIEI) that found demonstrable “control and monitoring, if not active involvement, from all levels of [Mexican] security—ministerial, municipal, state, federal and military—in the incident,” among other grave concerns. The Congressional letter additionally pointed to the massacre in Tlatlaya, State of Mexico (Estado de México, Edomex) in June 2014 during which Mexican soldiers killed 22 civilians in a warehouse, 15 of whom were killed extrajudicially. Lastly, the legislators cited “Mexico’s persistent use of torture in criminal investigations,” as well as “the slow pace of reform in the military, law enforcement, and justice sectors” as reasons for U.S. action. Indeed, the State Department even acknowledged such violations in the Mexico section of its most recent Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2015. “The most significant human rights-related problems included law enforcement and military involvement in serious abuses, such as unlawful killings, torture, and disappearances,” the report read. “Impunity and corruption in the law enforcement and justice system remained serious problems.”

WOLA logo

Source: WOLA.

Washington Office on Latin America’s (WOLA) Senior Associate Maureen Meyer, an expert in U.S.-Mexico relations, commented on the Congressional letter to Secretary Kerry, noting that human rights must remain a priority. “Maintaining a strong bilateral relationship with the United States’ neighbor and partner should not be at the expense of an honest dialogue about the human rights crisis in Mexico and the lack of accountability for the authorities responsible for these crimes,” she writes. Meyer’s comments draws on the fact that the Merida Initiative is exemplary of the strong ties between the United States and Mexico, but that it should not supersede the protection of fundamental human rights in Mexico.

It is important to contextualize the Merida Initiative. From FY2008 to FY2015, U.S. Congress allocated $2.5 billion in Merida funding to Mexico to support four pillars: (1) Disrupting organized crime groups, (2) institutionalizing the rule of law, (3) creating a 21st-century border, and (4) building strong and resilient communities. Thus, Merida funding supports a number of other key rule-of-law pillars in addition to the protection of human rights. As such, funding will continue through 2016, as the work to strengthen and maintain a strong rule of law in Mexico is far from complete. This notion was argued in Justice in Mexico’s July 2016 publication, “Policy Brief: The State of Judicial Sector Reform in Mexico,” in which the authors commend Mexico’s clear strides made in recent years to overhaul its criminal justice system, moving from an outdated, inquisitorial model to a new, transparent, and efficient adversarial system. However, the authors note that while “Mexico is one step closer to reaching a more just society … its path will no doubt remain long, steep, and sometimes rocky.” The 69 signatories to the recent Congressional letter to Secretary Kerry echoed that idea, acknowledging Mexico for its advances towards a more just society on the one hand while advocating for more work to be done on the other. “We commend the Government of Mexico for taking important legislative steps to advance human rights protections and to reform its criminal justice system,” the letter reads. “However, having good laws on the books does not ensure justice; Mexican authorities must enforce the law and respect human rights.”

To read the letter in full, click here.



“CNDH issues recommendations for Tlatlaya massacre as case moves to federal civil court.” Justice in Mexico. November 30, 2014.

Ribando Seelke, Clare and Kristin Finklea. “U.S.-Mexican Security Cooperation: The Mérida Initiative and Beyond.” Congressional Research Service. February 22, 2016.

Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor. “Country Reports on Human Rights Practice for 2015: Mexico.” U.S. Department of State. April 2016.

Heinle, Kimberly et al. “Drug Violence in Mexico: Data and Analysis Through 2015.” Justice in Mexico. April 2016.

“Ayotzinapa Disappeared 43 Students Case Remains Unsolved.” Justice in Mexico. May 2, 2016.

Cortés, Nancy et al. “Policy Brief: The State of Judicial Sector Reform in Mexico.” Justice in Mexico. July 25, 2016.

Government Communication. United States Congress of the United States. August 9, 2016.

Press Release. “Congressman Lowenthal Calls on State Dept. To Prioritize Human Rights and Justice Reform in Bilateral Talks With Mexico.” Office of U.S. Congressman Alan Lowenthal. August 10, 2016.

Press Release. “U.S. Congress Expresses Concern for Mexico’s Human Rights Crisis and Sends Letter to Secretary Kerry.” Washington Office on Latin America. August 11, 2016.

Ayotzinapa Disappeared 43 Students Case Remains Unsolved

Family members of the 43 students display signs during the GIEI’s presentation of their findings on Sunday. Source: The New York Times.

Family members of the 43 disappeared students display signs during the GIEI’s presentation of their findings on Sunday.  Source: The New York Times.

05/2/16 (written by elefavour) –In 608 pages of discoveries, the Interdisciplinary Group of Independent Experts (Grupo Interdisciplinario de Expertos Independientes, “GIEI”) of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights reveals new details and evidence surrounding the case of the 43 students that went missing from Ayotzinapa, Guerrero in September 2014. The most recent report, Informe Ayotzinapa II, released April 24th, provides extensive investigative analysis of the events of September 26-27, 2014.

Rewinding to 2014, the 43 students were from the Escuela Normal Rural Raúl Isidro Burgos in Ayotzinapa, Guerrero traveling through Iguala to Mexico City. Approximately one hundred students planned to “steal” buses from the station in Iguala,and in neighboring areas to attend a march commemorating a student massacre that occurred in 1968 in Mexico City. The students planned to return the buses following the conclusion of the event. The local bus companies typically tolerated this, as it was an annual tradition for the college. At 9:15pm September 26, 2014, five buses with students left for Ayotzinapa, three buses taking the northward route, and two buses taking the southward route. Based on the findings from the Informe Ayotzinapa II and the New York Times, the three buses heading north immediately came into contact with federal police firing warning shots at the buses, and then the police actively shot at the buses and at the students inside. Aldo Gutiérrez, a student, was shot in the head, and two additional students were shot requiring an emergency dispatch at approximately 9:48pm. Finally, at approximately 10:50pm, the remaining students heading northward were taken in six to seven patrol vehicles based on eyewitness accounts.

Meanwhile, at approximately 9:40pm, around the same time as the three buses on the northern route were intercepted, police also stopped one of the buses traveling on the southern route toward Ayotzinapa, breaking the bus’s windows and using tear gas to force the passengers out of the bus. It is evident the police were pre-stationed to intercept the students because authorities also stopped other students, not affiliated with the students from Ayotzinapa. About seven miles outside Iguala, a gunmen fired on a suspect bus carrying the Los Avispones soccer team from nearby Chilpancingo killing a soccer player and the driver, and wounding seven other passengers.

Immediately following the night of September 26, the families demanded answers from the government about the whereabouts of their children as well as the cause of the violence. After four excruciating months, the Attorney General at the time, Jesús Murillo Karam, stated to the press: “after an “exhaustive, serious” investigation, “the evidence allows us to determine that the students were kidnapped, killed, burned and thrown into the river.” He included preliminary evidence such as photographs of charred remains, snippets of videotaped confessions and images of the crime scene.

President Peña Nieto, who built his campaign platform on ending violence in Mexico, offered the following statement to the people of Mexico in January, 2015—four months after the abduction of the 43 students:

“In this sorrowful, tragic and painful moment in the history of Mexico, we can’t be trapped. We can’t be stuck there,” he said. “We have to give it attention. There has to be justice. There has to be punishment for those who were responsible for these regrettable acts, but we have to take the course of continuing to assure that Mexico has a better future.”

For all practical purposes in the Peña Nieto administration, the case was closed.

GIEI Ayotzinapa Findings

However, the Interdisciplinary Group of Independent Experts (GIEI) formed a panel of five lawyers and human rights specialists from Latin America and Spain to further investigate the incident and flush out the inconsistencies. The panel first convened in March 2015. The panel worked together for a second time on April 24th, 2016, releasing their findings live at press conference in Mexico City and also through their twitter account. The most important findings include the following:

“First, it is now clear, there was central government control and monitoring, if not active involvement, from all levels of security: ministerial, municipal, state, federal and military in the incident. This also included involvement from the Huitzco, and the Iguala local police forces. These police officers were aware, participated, and directly influenced the capture of the students meaning the case was not only an issue at “the local level.”

Second, using United Nations guidelines for the documentation of torture, the panel determined that 17 (of approximately 170) of the government’s suspects had been tortured while in the custody of the Mexican government. All “forced” testimonies from these individuals would be inadmissible in a Mexican court of law.

Third, “there still remains zero evidence that a fire happened in the Cocula landfill the night of September 26-27 that was big enough to burn 43 bodies.” Additionally, videos taken by journalists revealed that one of the suspects was hauled to the crime scene with the office of the Attorney General (Procuraduría General de la República, PGR) potentially to “plant” the bone fragment remains, and the official reason why he was taken there was completely omitted from the PGR’s report.

Fourth, The PGR’s version of the report said that the students’ phones had been destroyed in Cocula, but telephones continued to be active days after September 26 and this development has not been investigated despite the fact the last location of the phones contradicts the PGR report.

Finally, Julio César Mondragón, a student that initially went missing, was found with “facial skin and muscles torn away from his head, his skull was fractured in several places, and his internal organs were ruptured.” Due to bureaucratic delays, Mondragón’s body had to go through two autopsies and a three-month delay for government approval, thus re-victimizing the family.

President Peña Nieto stated he would not authorize a third investigation. On April 25th, President Obama stated, “We trust the Mexican authorities will carefully consider the report’s recommendations, evaluate suggested actions to address the issue of forced disappearances.” Moving forward, it is uncertain whether or not the truth behind the disappearance of the 43 students will ever be solved. However, the international community remains committed to providing justice to the families of the victims. Alejandro Valencia, a Colombian lawyer and member of the GIEI panel succinctly explains their position: “the Ayotzinapa case has put the country at a crossroads, from which it has yet to emerge, and for that it needs a strengthening of the rule of law and of the defense, the guarantee and respect for human rights.”


“GIEI Ayotzinapa.” Twitter. April 28, 2016.

Gallagher, Erin. “Mexico: GIEI Final Report on the Ayotzinapa Case.” Revolution News. April 24, 2016.

Semple, Kirk. “Missing Mexican Students Suffered a Night of ‘Terror,’ Investigators Say.” The New York Times. April 24, 2016.

Informe Ayotzinapa II: Avances y nuevas conclusions sobre la investigación, búsqueda y atención a las víctimas. Grupo Interdisciplinario de Expertos Independientes. April 24, 2016.

Semple, Kirk and Elisabeth Malkin. “El gobierno mexicano no colaboró con nuestra investigación sobre lo que sucedió en Ayotzinapa: GIEI.” The New York Times. April 25, 2016.

Archibold, Randal C. “Mexico Officially Declares Missing Students Dead.” The New York Times. January 27, 2015.

New Investigations for the 43 missing Ayotzinapa Students

Family members demand justice and answers for 43 missing students.

Family members demand justice and answers for 43 missing students. Source:

12/11/15 (written by alagorio) – On December 1st, parents of the missing forty-three Ayotzinapa students lifted the protest camp at the capital. The decision came after the Interior Department announced the creation of a new specialized investigation unit. For more than a year the parents did not accept the original government conclusions in the case.

The Interior Department deputy secretary for human rights, Roberto Campa, announced that a “fresh group” of investigators would be taking on the case. Provincia reports that Campa said the new investigation will focus on looking into who gave orders to the accused criminal group Guerreros Unidos. The investigation will also look into the role of the police in the disappearances. Campa mentioned that authorities have already searched in six hundred and sixty-nine places for the missing forty-three students.

The Washington Post reports that the new investigation is influenced by international experts and human rights groups who cast doubt on the Mexican government’s account of the case. The official story published by the Mexican government stated that the criminal organization, Guerreros Unidos, burned the student’s bodies at the Cocula trash dump. Nevertheless, there were numerous scientific facts that contradicted the government’s account of the events.

The new investigations address parents demands for the Ayotzinapa students. The students disappeared more than a year ago on September 26.


“Padres de los desaparecidos de Ayotzinapa levantan plantón.” Provincia. December 1, 2015.

“Padres de normalistas de Ayotzinapa concluyen plantón en Los Pinos.” CNNMéxico. December 1, 2015.

“Parents of Missing Students End Mexico City Protest Camp.” The Washington Post. December 1, 2015.