Mexico City’s Secretary of Public Security Attacked by Armed Assailants

06/26/20 (written by RKuckertz)- In the early hours of Friday, June 26, a group of at least twelve individuals attacked Mexico City’s secretary of public security, Omar García Harfuch, and his convoy in the Lomas de Chapultepec neighborhood of Mexico City. The attack was carried out just past 6:30 am local time at the intersection of Paseo de la Reforma and Monte Blanco, where the group of armed assailants was waiting for García Harfuch’s convoy. The attackers used assault rifles and hand grenades, resulting in multiple injuries to members of the convoy and three casualties: two police officers and one passerby. García Harfuch himself sustained multiple bullet wounds, but Mexico City Claudia Sheinbaum reported via Twitter this morning that he was “doing well and out of danger.”

Mexico City’s Attorney General Ernestina Godoy announced that an investigation had been opened, with twelve suspects already in custody. While no group has yet claimed responsibility for this morning’s attack, García Harfuch tweeted that members of the Jalisco New Generation Cartel (Cartel Jalisco Nueva Generación, CJNG) were to blame. Mayor Sheinbaum as well as Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador attributed the attacks to García Harfuch’s steadfast commitment to ensuring peace in Mexico City and throughout the country. 

As one of the youngest public officials to rise to the top of Mexico City’s security apparatus, García Harfuch has been referred to “the best police officer in Mexico” by the current administration. His career has consisted of numerous high-profile investigations and arrests of members of organized crime groups (OCGs), including Dámaso López Núñez (“El Licenciado”), of the Sinaloa Cartel in 2017. During his tenure as secretary of public security beginning in June 2019, García Harfuch has continued to put pressure on organized crime, coordinating the arrests of well-known OCG leaders such as Jorge Flores (“El Tortas“) of the Anti Union (Anti Unión) and Pedro Ramírez (“El Jamón”) of the Tepito Union (Unión Tepito). Notably, García Harfuch was also largely responsible for the 2017 arrest of former governor of Veracruz Javier Duarte, who had attempted to flee serious corruption charges.

As a result of García Harfuch’s strong stance against organized crime, he has reportedly been subject to numerous threats throughout his career, including direct threats from members of the CJNG. Nonetheless, officials have noted that there is no known connection between any specific threats and the attack this morning.

The attack comes in the midst of rising levels of violence in Mexico, despite stay-at-home orders as a result of the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic. According to El Universal, Mexico saw record numbers of homicides in April of this year, with experts calling the rising violence a “second epidemic” parallel to the rising number of COVID-19-related deaths. For more on crime and violence in Mexico during the pandemic, see Justice in Mexico’s recent blog post on public security during COVID-19.

Sources

“Intentan matar al jefe de Seguridad de Ciudad de México.” Chicago Tribune, 26 June 2020.

Monroy, Jorge. “Durazo descarta atribuir al CJNG ataque contra García Harfuch; reconoce que hubo amenazas.” El Economista, 26 June 2020.

Velasco, Selene. “Los golpes al narco de García Harfuch.” Reforma, 26 June 2020.

“¿Quién es Omar Garía Harfuch, el jefe de la policía capitalina?” El Universal, 26 June 2020.

Sieff, Kevin. “Mexico City’s top security official injured in apparent assassination attempt.” The Washington Post, 26 June 2020.

“‘En México hay más gente llorando por la violencia que por el coronavirus’: experto.” El Universal, 23 April 2020.

Loret de Mola, Carlos. “Cómo cayó Javier Duarte.” El Universal, 17 April 2017.

American teen killed in Mexico in latest instance of police violence

06/25/20 (written by JHale)- In a widely circulated video online, a coffin emblazoned with a glossy image of Our Lady of Guadalupe lies adjacent to a makeshift soccer goal. A young man passes a ball so that it ricochets off the coffin and into the bottom right corner. Immediately, a group of individuals dressed in white swarms the coffin, jumping up and down and celebrating. Inside the coffin lies the body of Alexander Martínez Gómez, a 16 year old soccer player who dreamt of becoming a star before he was killed in Mexico’s most recent incident of police violence (Miranda, “Despide Multitud a Alexander”).

A troubling incident

An American citizen born in North Carolina, Gómez was visiting family in Oaxaca at the time of the shooting (“Mexico Police Officer Investigated”). Gómez split his time between the two countries, but hoped to move to Mexico permanently to become a professional soccer player. This dream would come to an end on the night of June 9th, when he was killed by police. The incident occurred as Gómez and a friend were riding motorbikes to a local store when, according to official reports, a police car with its lights off stopped ahead of the duo and blocked the road. An officer exited the vehicle and opened fire without warning. Alexander was killed, while his companion lost control of his motorbike and was injured (Miranda, “Dan Prisión Preventiva”).

The incident prompted a swift reaction from multiple parties. Gómez’s mother released a video to social media denouncing the police and asserting that her son had been denied first aid after the shooting. The town of Acatlán de Pérez Figueroa, where Gómez was killed, issued a statement expressing that the officer’s actions were not in bad faith (Agren). Nonetheless, the Attorney General of the State of Oaxaca (Fiscalía General del Estado de Oaxaca, FGEO) secured a judge’s approval to preemptively detain Alexander’s accused killer. Furthermore, prosecutors told reporters that the accused officer would be charged to the full extent of the law (Miranda, “Dan Prisión Preventiva”).

An uncertain road forward

As outraged locals demanded justice, officials hurried to provide solutions. The Secretary of Public Safety of Oaxaca (Secretaría de Seguridad Pública de Oaxaca, SSPO) promised changes, including greater accountability and increased training of police. Many local residents and members of Gómez’s family have rejected the police entirely, calling for the protection of Mexico’s National Guard. The SSPO expressed understanding, even going so far as to suggest that a National Guard base would be installed in the local municipal center (Rangel). It is still unclear whether the National Guard has a plan in place to prevent the same abuses of power that have plagued local police forces. 

Mexico’s police force has come under increased scrutiny after recent instances of violence against unarmed citizens. The killing of Alexander Gómez follows the death of construction worker Giovanni López in police custody after being detained for not wearing a facemask (“Giovanni López: ‘Justicia Para Giovanni’”). Both incidents have sparked protests, riots, and challenging conversations surrounding the role of police in enforcing justice in Mexico. It remains to be seen whether outrage over police brutality will lead to concrete changes in law enforcement practices.

Sources

gren, David. “Mexico: US Teenager Shot Dead by Police in Oaxaca.” The Guardian, Guardian News and Media, 10 June 2020, www.theguardian.com/world/2020/jun/10/mexico-teenager-oaxaca-police-shot-dead.

Miranda, Fernando. “Dan Prisión Preventiva a Policía Que Presuntamente Asesinó a Alexander.” El Universal, 13 June 2020, 10:24, www.eluniversal.com.mx/estados/dan-prision-preventiva-policia-que-presuntamente-asesino-alexander.

Miranda, Fernando. “¡Queremos Justicia! Despide Multitud a Alexander, De Blanco y Con Globos Azules.” El Universal, 12 June 2020, 12:08, www.eluniversal.com.mx/estados/alexander-se-despidio-de-la-cancha-con-un-ultimo-gol-su-familia-clama-justicia.

Associated Press. “Mexico Police Officer Investigated for Alleged Murder of Boy.” The Washington Post, WP Company, 13 June 2020, www.washingtonpost.com/world/the_americas/protest-over-mexico-police-killing-of-mexican-american-teen/2020/06/12/faeb494c-ad17-11ea-a43b-be9f6494a87d_story.html.

Rangel, Alejandro. “Familia De Alexander Rechaza Las Policías De Acatlán; Piden a La Guardia Nacional.”

Https://www.eluniversal.com.mx/Estados/Familia-De-Alexander-Rechaza-Policias-De-Acatlan-Piden-La-Guardia-Nacional, 12 June 2020, 20:29, www.eluniversal.com.mx/estados/familia-de-alexander-rechaza-policias-de-acatlan-piden-la-guardia-nacional.

Redacción. “Giovanni López: ‘Justicia Para Giovanni’, El Caso De Brutalidad Policial Que Conmociona a México.” BBC News Mundo, BBC, 5 June 2020, www.bbc.com/mundo/noticias-52935685.

El Universal. “Vinculan a Proceso a Policía De Acatlán Por Asesinato De Alexander.” El Siglo, El Siglo De Torreón, 18 June 2020, www.elsiglodetorreon.com.mx/noticia/1713183.vinculan-a-proceso-a-policia-de-acatlan-por-asesinato-de-alexander.html.

Domestic Violence in Mexico During COVID-19

Overview

06/16/20 (M MacGregor)- According to a survey by the National Institute of Statistics and Geography (Instituto Nacional de Estadística y Geografía), or“INEGI”, 7 out of 10 women in Mexico have experienced violence at some point in their lives, and among those, almost half (43.9%) of women were abused by their boyfriend, husband, or partner. Additionally, according to INEGI, the states with the highest levels of domestic violence are the State of Mexico, Aguascalientes, Jalisco, and Queretaro. Domestic violence is defined by the United Nations as a pattern of behavior in any relationship that is used to gain or maintain control over an intimate partner and encompasses physical, sexual, emotional, economic, or psychological threats that influence another person. At the international and regional level, Mexico is part of various agreements that share the goal of eradicating violence against women. Some of these include the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW 1979), the InterAmerican Commission of Women, and the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action (1995). Despite the country’s membership in these agreements, the current COVID-19 pandemic has shown the weaknesses in the Mexican government in protecting women from domestic violence and ensuring their safety.

Domestic Violence During COVID

According to Reuters, since the COVID-19 lockdown, women in Mexico have been fighting “another shadow pandemic”. There has been “an increase in reports of domestic violence, many of those psychological violence”, according to Blanca Aquino, director of the Municipal Institute for Women of Veracruz. Similarly, Maria Noel Baeza, the regional director for UN Women, believes that the lockdown is exacerbating violence against women by forcing them to stay in situations of confinement in which [women] are locked up with their abusers and have very limited outlets to escape violence. 

Before social distancing was implemented in the country, Expansión Política reported that the Mexican emergency number registered 21,727 domestic violence related calls during the month of February. According to El Universal, three weeks after the stay at home orders were issued, Mexican federal authorities estimated that violence against women had increased between 30 and 100%. Almost two months after the first case of COVID-19 in Mexico, the National Network of Shelters (la Red Nacional de Refugios)  observed an “increase of 5% in women’s admissions [to the shelters] and an increase of 60% in guidance via telephone calls, social networks, and email”. Additionally, women’s centers linked to the network are at “80% to 110% of their capacity, especially in entities such as Guanajuato, the State of Mexico, and Chiapas”. These cases of violence against women are expected to persist as the pandemic continues, as human rights specialists in an article by El Sol de Mexico are predicting domestic violence to grow by 92% during the quarantine period.

Government Response

At the national level, many lawyers and human rights activists have criticized the problematic remarks of current president Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO) as well as the Mexican government’s failure to release a comprehensive plan to tackle the spike in domestic abuse amid the COVID-19 emergency. According to Latino USA, AMLO stated in a press conference in May 2020 that “violence against women has not increased since the national lockdown” and that “there has been no increase in complaints from women”, despite statistical reports indicating otherwise. Jacqui Hunt, director of Equality Now, a non-governmental organization that aims to promote the rights of women and girls globally, told Independent, “the appalling increase in the number of women murdered and abused in Mexico since the start of 2020 should be seized upon as a watershed moment in which the government finally steps up to address the root causes of harm against women”. Hunt called for the Mexican government to “work closely alongside organizations which help women and girls and provide additional funding to make sure those locked up with their abusers can access safe housing and other specialist support”, as statistics collected by El Sol de Mexico estimate that “two-thirds of the female population in the country over the age of 15 will quarantine alongside a violent partner”.

A gender perspective to combat COVID-19

Secretary General of the United Nations Antonio Guterres called for measures to address a “shocking global upsurge in domestic violence against women and girls”, stating that “together, [the international community] can and will prevent violence everywhere, from war zones to people’s homes”. United Nations Women in particular has made a number of recommendations to the Mexican authorities in order to alleviate the conditions that women and girls have experienced during the lockdown. Some of these recommendations include: 

  • Raising awareness of the increased burden on female staff for extra care tasks against COVID-19.
  • Helping employers take into account the risks that their employees displacement will have, as well as ensuring their payments during the quarantine.
  • Protecting the workforce in manufacturing companies (maquiladoras) economically and through labor protection measures since women make up a large part of the workforce.
  • Procuring strategies to protect those affected by the sexual division of labor in areas such as education, social work, which are mostly composed of women.

“No estás sola, seguimos contigo” and “#ContingenciaSinViolencia”

On April 7th, the Mexican government in conjunction with the Citizens’ Council (Consejo Ciudadano) and the Women’s Secretariat (Secretaria de las Mujeres) launched the “No estas sola, seguimos contigo” (“You’re not alone, we are still with you”) initiative to address domestic violence during the quarantine. This program consists of several resources to help women report domestic violence and seek professional help. The resources include chat rooms in which victims can send video, audio, and photos, channels to Moon Centers, or Centro Lunas, which provide psychological and legal care for medium and high risk cases. 

In addition, the government and the National Commission to Prevent and Eradicate Violence Against Women (CONAVIM) created a directory to publicize these resources as well as the National Shelter Network so that women can access safe spaces away from their abusers. The hashtag, #ContingencyWithoutViolence, or #ContingenciaSinViolencia was launched by the State of Mexico and has spread on social networks throughout the country. Despite these efforts to address violence against women, the National Shelter Network is lacking the budget and the space to operate effectively and this leads them to deal with double or triple contigency. Milenio reports that several organizations have argued that the “delay in the allocation of financial resources violates the shelters’ operation and rights of women to safety”. Wendy Figueroa, the director of the National Shelter Network, has demanded that the Mexican government “establish a budget, as well as evaluation and monitoring mechanisms that guarantee the permanent flow of resources allowing the shelters to work through the year without impediment”.

In conclusion, it is clear that COVID-19 has exacerbated the effects of domestic violence in Mexico, a country that already suffers from staggering statistics due to the normalization of gender based violence. The implications of the lockdown are widening gender inequalities and increasing violence against women. In order to address this crisis, the Mexican government must strengthen all mechanisms to combat domestic violence at the local, regional and national levels. Steps must be taken immediately because women’s lives depend on it.

Domestic Violence Resources

United States

National Domestic Violence Hotline: 1-800-799-SAFE (7233)

Online Chat: https://www.thehotline.org/what-is-live-chat/

Safety planning and legal information: https://www.thehotline.org/help/path-to-safety/

Resources for victims and survivors by State: https://www.thehotline.org/resources/victims-and-survivors/

Mexico:

National Domestic Violence Hotline: 9-1-1

Shelter Network Directory: https://eldiadespues.mx/directorio-de-organizaciones/

Domestic Violence Hotlines by State:

Sources:

Bettinger-Lopez, Caroline. “A Double Pandemic: Domestic Violence in the Age of COVID-19.”  Council on Foreign Relations, 13 May 2020

Oppenheim, Maya. “Mexico sees almost 1,000 women murdered in three months as domestic abuse concerns rise amid coronavirus.” Independent. 28 April 2020. 

Machicao, Monica, Martinez, Ana Isabel, Ramos Miranda, Natalia, & Sigal, Lucila. “Another Pandemic: In Latin America, domestic abuse rises amid lockdown. Reuters. 27 April 2020.

Castellanos, Laura. “México abandona a las mujeres violentadas en esta contingencia.” Aristegui Noticias. 16 April 2020.  

Almazan, Jorge. “CdMx lanza programa para denunciar violencia familiar.” Milenio. 14 April 2020

Galvan, Melissa. “Otra contingencia: la violencia contra las mujeres va en aumento.” Expansión Política. 5 April 2020.

Noticias de las Naciones Unidas. “Ante el aumento de la violencia doméstica por el coronavirus, Guterres llama a la paz en los hogares.” Noticias ONU. 5 April 2020

Ortiz, Alexis. “Coronavirus en México. Estiman aumento de hasta 100% en violencia de género. El Universal. 4 April 2020.

Nava, Cecilia. “En cuarentena, violencia contra la mujer escalará 92%, prevén expertas.” El Sol de México. 26 March 2020. 

De la Peña, Angelica. “El Covid-19 y la perspectiva de género.” El Sol de México. 23 March 2020. 

United Nations Women: Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women. “Paying attention to women’s needs and leadership will strengthen COVID-19 responses.” UN Women. 19 March 2020.

Seguridad de Estado de México. “Contingencia sin Violencia.” Twitter. 2020. 

Gobierno de la Ciudad de México: Secretaría de las Mujeres. “Lunas.” Gobierno de la Ciudad de México. 2020.

United Nations. “What is Domestic Abuse?” United Nations. 2020. 

Instituto Nacional de Estadística, Geografía e Informática (INEGI). “Encuesta Nacional sobre la Dinámica de las Relaciones en los Hogares (ENDIREH 2016).” INEGI. 18 August 2017.

Red Nacional de Refugios. “Red Nacional de Refugios A.C.” 3 November 2014.

United Nations Office of the High Commissioner (OHCHR). “Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women.” United Nations. 18 December 1979.

United Nations Women: Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women. “The Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action.” UN Women, September 1995.

 Comisión Nacional para Prevenir y Erradicar la Violencia Contra las Mujeres (CONAVIM). “Sistema Nacional de Prevencion, Atencion, Sancion, y Erradicacion de la Violencia Contra las Mujeres.” 

Latin American News Dispatch. “AMLO Denies Rise of Violence Against Women During Lockdown.” 

National Domestic Violence Hotline. “Get Help.” 

Organization of American States (OAS). “Inter-American Commission of Women”. OAS.

Veracruz Gobierno del Estado. “Instituto Veracruzano de las Mujeres.” IVM. 

Exploring the Legal Context of Femicide in Mexico

Photo: ROCIO VAZQUEZ/AFP via Getty Images

06/12/20 (T McGinnis) – 2019 represented the most dangerous year on record for women in Mexico, according to Mexico’s Secretary General of National Public Security (SESNSP). Femicide, a crime that deprives a woman of life as a result of her being female, remains a long-standing and protracted issue with which the Mexican public, policymakers, and legal actors have struggled. With the López Obrador administration declaring an “end to the war” against drug cartels and trafficking, the question remains whether this proclamation will lead to more adequate responses regarding gender violence, responses in which answers and accountability stand at the forefront of the government’s plan of action.

General Overview

What the Available Data Suggests

The Secretary General of National Public Security (Secretariado Ejecutivo del Sistema Nacional de Seguridad Pública, SESNSP) reports that between 2015 and 2019, cases of femicide rose from 411 to 983, representing an increase of approximately 139%, as shown by the graphic on the right. This parallels, if not surpasses, Mexico’s broader trend of recorded record-high numbers of murders in 2019. According to Milenio, in January alone of this year, 320 women were murdered (247 victims of intentional homicide and 73 victims of femicide), making an average of 10 cases per day.

Figure 2: Center for Studies on Impunity and Justice & the University of the Americas Puebla

However, the aforementioned figures may be much higher when one accounts for shortcomings and biases in the collection and conceptualization of femicide data. For example, Mexico’s elevated levels of impunity compound this issue further. According to the Center of Strategic & International Studies and the National Institute of Statistics and Geography (Instituto Nacional de Estadística y Geografía), “93 percent of crimes were either not reported or not investigated in 2018.” Furthermore, the Congressional Research Service details that the prosecutor general’s office remains underfunded. As specified by the GII-2017 Global Impunity Index (Índice Global de Impunidad), this means that preventive actions with respect to intelligence and the preparation and integration of information into investigative files (carpetas de investigación) remain stifled and ineffective. Thus, the perpetrators of violence are further motivated by the unlikelihood of conviction. With stark gender inequalities and pervasiveness of machismo culture in Mexico, one observes reduced levels of priority for investigations of gender-based murders. When observing the legal context of femicide, penal codes on femicide can vary by state, resulting in “a lack of comparable data and agreed definitions” that make prosecuting cases more difficult. Frequently, for both genders, victims of violence are battered and further discriminated against when trying to access the justice system. For women, the motivation to seek legal recourse or help diminishes significantly, seeing that “77 percent of Mexican women report not feeling safe.” These shortcomings and biases reflected in the available data will become more evident when the legal aspects of femicide are explained in greater detail.

High-Profile Cases in 2020

Mexico has grappled with the issue of gender-based violence and more specifically, femicide for many years, which became a major concern in the early 2000s with the high-profile serial murders of women in Ciudad Juárez. However, recent statistics indicating a nation-wide increase in femicides, as well as three high-profile cases in the first few months of 2020, led to protests and major demonstrations condemning violence against women. The first of the three cases involved Isabel Cabanillas, a 26-year-old artist and feminist who was murdered in Ciudad Juárez, Chihuahua on January 18, 2020 while riding her bike. According to NBC, although the dimension of the Mexican federal government tasked with combating violence against women, INMUJERES, classified her death as a femicide, law enforcement authorities described the motive as unclear. This elucidates one of the most apparent issues with the legal category of femicide. In order to classify a crime as femicide, there have to be qualifying characteristics and motives working in tandem with the act of homicide. Some of these characteristics and motives may be clear upon the start of an investigation, while others may not become evident until the case is adjudged. Weeks later, 25-year-old Ingrid Escamilla was murdered by her male partner in northern Mexico City. According to Al Jazeera, her remains were discovered on Sunday, February 9, 2020 with certain organs removed and portions of her body skinned. The next day, the national newspaper Pasala published images of her body, sparking further outrage in the public and an overall repudiation of the way in which the government handles the dissemination of information on femicides. In an El Universal column entitled “Who killed Ingrid Escamilla?”, Alejandro Hope, a political science professor, presents his answer. “A violent and machismo culture killed Ingrid, our indifference killed her, our failure to demand that things change killed her.” The third case involved the murder of 7-year-old Fatima Cecelia Aldrighett Anton, who went missing on February 11, 2020 in Santiago Tulyehualco, Xochimilco. According to El Universal, she was believed to have been abducted at school, where she was left outside and unsupervised as she waited for her mother. Her naked body was discovered on February 15, 2020 in a plastic bag near Los Reyes, Tlahuac.

2020 Protests (International Women’s Day and “A Day Without Us”)

Each of the aforementioned cases resulted in protesters urging president Lopez Obrador to publicly acknowledge his administration’s lack of strategy in protecting the female population, and calls to stop criminalizing women who are victims of femicide. Following International Women’s Day (Mar. 8th), in which 80,000 individuals marched through Mexico City, displaying banners that stated “I’m marching today so that I don’t die tomorrow,” tens of thousands of women furthered the sentiment by participating in a national strike. What was soon deemed “A Day Without Us” strove to demonstrate what life would be like without women as more and more fall victim to femicide every day.

Government Response

In November 2019, Mexican officials had vowed a “zero tolerance” approach to the problem, as they observed the International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women, in partnership with the United Nations. According to the Council on Foreign Relations, the government has also made a point of emphasizing the existing measures in place, such as gender sensitivity training for armed forces. Additionally, after Escamilla’s murder, president Lopez Obrador joined protesters in denouncing the behavior of the media in leaking the explicit photos and soon praised their efforts in passing a bill that would increase prison sentences for those who commit femicide.

However, although lauded as a socially-progressive leader for perhaps, some of the reasons explained above, The Center for Strategic and International Studies regards president Lopez Obrador’s response to the issue of femicide and more generally gender-violence as “tepid at best.” Critics and activists note that AMLO appears indifferent to the reality of the situation and gendered context, calling himself a “humanist” and not a feminist. In reaction to the March 9th strike, he accused political opponents for the situation of unrest. Furthermore, according to the Council on Foreign Relations, his administration faced backlash when the Attorney General suggested removing femicide from Mexico’s criminal code, even though AMLO later said that he did not support the change. Claiming that the media manipulates the issues surrounding gender-based violence, the CFR reports that president Lopez Obrador also claims that the current crisis remains “tied to his predecessors neoliberal economic policies” and believes that what the country needs is a “moral regeneration.” Moving forward, it remains to be seen whether his public pledges translate into concrete action.

A Deeper Look into the Legal Context of Femicide in Mexico

As the surfacing of the aforementioned data and high-profile cases sheds a greater light on this national epidemic and mobilizes the public to place considerable pressure on Mexican officials, it remains critically important to understand the legal context of femicide in Mexico and how its process of prosecution could affect the data, media, rate of occurrence, etc. Prior to 1992, the term “femicide” had been used by the media and greater society in a colloquial manner to indicate the death of a woman. According to the Organization of American States Inter-American Commission of Women, that same year, Diana Russell and her colleague Jill Radford redefined femicide as “the murder of women, committed by men, for the simple reason of their being women.” In elucidating the gendered motives of men in killing women, which include “attempts to control their lives, their bodies and/or their sexuality, to the point of punishing through death those women that do not accept that submission,” Russell and Radford provided both legal and social contexts to the concept of femicide.

According to El Universal, the concept garnered significant notoriety in Mexico when Marcela Lagarde took the aforementioned notion of femicide advanced by Russell and Radford and further developed it as “feminicidio,” rather than femicidio (which constitutes the literal translation). The OAS Declaration on Femicide reports that “Lagarde’s position was that femicide could be understood as the death of women without specifying the cause, whereas feminicide better encapsulated the gender-based reasons and the social construction behind these deaths, as well as the impunity that surrounds them.” She subsequently used the term feminicide (feminicidio) to analyze a wave of gender-motivated murders in Ciudad Juárez, Mexico, which started around 1993, and continued to substantiate its importance in her professional research.

Before the classification of femicide as a social construct and category of crime, many of these murders were wrongly labeled as “crimes of passion.” According to El Universal, crimes of passion are defined as “a crime committed because of very strong emotional feelings, especially in connection with a sexual relationship.” The same term has also frequently been used to describe violent crimes against LGBT persons. However, once the term “femicide” was coined and the phenomenon was further explained and adopted by the media and public, different facets of the Mexican state began to grasp the gender-based implications of this type of violence against women. Nevertheless, bias and sexism still permeate media reporting of violent crimes against women. For example, “after Ingrid Escamilla was murdered by her partner in early 2020, a newspaper titled the article ‘It was cupid’s fault’ and printed a photograph of her skinned and dismembered body on its cover.” While femicides often occur between romantic partners, it should not constitute the defining aspect of this phenomenon. As previously elucidated by anthropologist Marcela Lagarde, “the explanation of femicide lies in gender dominance: characterized by both the male supremacy and the oppression, discrimination, exploitation and, above all, social exclusion of girls and women.”

According to the Center for Strategic and International Studies, Mexico began counting and including femicide data in 2012. The General Law on Women’s Access to a Life Free of Violence (Ley General de Acceso de las Mujeres a Una Vida Libre de Violencia) proposed by the Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD) in 2007 was one of the legislative measures that predated and influenced the current Federal Penal Code (CPF):

English translation:

Article 325.

The crime of femicide is committed by a person who deprives a woman of life for reasons of gender. It is considered that there are gender reasons when any of the following circumstances occur:

  1. The victim presents signs of sexual violence of any kind;
  2. Inflammatory or degrading injuries or mutilations, before or after the deprivation of life or acts of necrophilia, have been inflicted on the victim;
  3. There are antecedents or data of any type of violence in the family, work or school environment of the perpetrator against the victim;
  4. There has been a sentimental, emotional or trust relationship between the asset and the victim;
  5. There are data that establish that there were threats related to the criminal act, harassment or injuries of the perpetrator against the victim;
  6. The victim has been held incommunicado, whatever the time prior to the deprivation of life;
  7. The victim’s body is exposed or displayed in a public place.

Anyone who commits the crime of femicide will be sentenced to forty to sixty years in prison and a fine of five hundred to one thousand days.

In addition to the sanctions described in this article, the perpetrator will lose all rights in relation to the victim, including those of a successional nature.

In the event that femicide is not accredited, the homicide rules will apply.

A public servant who maliciously or negligently delays or hinders the prosecution or administration of justice shall be sentenced to three to eight years and a fine of five to fifteen hundred days, and shall be removed and disqualified from three to ten years to perform another public employment, office or commission.

In Nexos magazine, Elizabeth V. Leyva notes that although a fair majority of Mexican federal entities adhere to the federal norm as outlined above, “the truth is that legal classification of femicide is not the same in all laws: each state recognizes this problem with various characteristics with which it can be identified.” As a federal republic with the current criminal law system, states (32 in total) can individually regulate crimes and classify them as they deem appropriate. Thus, it is critically important to analyze and detail the similarities and differences in the classifications of these penal codes in an effort to elucidate whether certain legal provisions impact the number/level of femicides in each respective state.

It is important to understand how the Mexican Federal Penal Code on femicide parallels or differs from legislation at the state level. Firstly, both federal and state penal codes define femicide as a crime that deprives a woman of life for reasons of gender. Because this definition is potentially problematic (“gender” is not the same as a female person), Leyva describes current legislation having an “androcentric” view that disregards the death of a woman occurring as a result of her being female. As a result, critics point out that the legal definition of femicide is flawed by a male-dominant perspective and can lead to an ineffective understanding and enforcement of the law.

The essential qualifying circumstances for femicide are described in the penal codes as “gender reasons,” which can be divided into two categories: 1) The various forms the act of violence can assume and 2) the types of acts that occur before or after the death of the woman. The first category includes the following circumstances:

1.The victim presents signs of sexual violence of any kind

Circumstance one describes that femicide can occur through a nonconsensual sexual act aimed at the subordination and domination of women. Observing trends more generally, according to UN Women, “1 in 3 women over 15 years of age has suffered sexual violence” in Latin America and parts of the Caribbean, which is categorized as an epidemic by the WHO. Additionally, UN Women states that “femicide and sexual violence are closely linked to deficient citizen security, to general impunity and to a macho culture that undervalues women,” all of which are pervasive in the state of Mexico.

5. There are data that establish that there were threats related to the criminal act, harassment or injuries of the perpetrator against the victim

Circumstance five establishes that femicide is not an isolated act that happens without prior signs, but also the result of continuous acts of violence against the victim by the perpetrator. In other words, the perpetrator of a femicide is someone that has sexually or violently abused the victim prior to the murder. A 2019 National Institute of Statistics and Geography (Instituto Nacional de Estadística y Geografía) report based on data from Chihuahua details that “43.3% of women have faced assaults from the current or last husband or partner throughout their relationship.” Critics highlight that the Mexican state has been negligent in stopping these chains of attacks before they result in the deaths of women.

2. Inflammatory or degrading injuries or mutilations, before or after the deprivation of life or acts of necrophilia have been inflicted on the victim

Circumstance two discusses the physical characteristics of the violent acts, which include scratches, bruises, cuts, stab wounds, or gunshot wounds, etc. With this reason, one can observe certain ambiguities with respect to operationalizing “inflammatory” or “degrading.” In essence, these injuries and mutilations are expected to be either of the aforementioned designations without having an explicit definition and/or reference point to classify them as such. This could contribute to an ineffective understanding and enforcement of this portion of the law.

The second category of gender reasons encompasses the types of acts that occur before or after the death of the woman.

6. The victim has been held incommunicado, whatever the time prior to the deprivation of life

Circumstance six states that during this crime, women may not be in a position to communicate or request third-party help, leaving them rather defenseless. Leyva notes that “the temporal nature of this sentence is ambiguous because it does not define how long ‘the time prior to the deprivation of life’” actually is. With this, one observes states, like Colima and Sinaloa expanding this notion in a more concise manner, isolating what they are actually attempting to legislate:

When the victim has found herself in a state of defenselessness, this should be understood as the situation of real helplessness or incapacity that makes her defense impossible. Either due to the difficulty of communication to receive help, due to the distance to an inhabited place or because there is some physical or material impediment to request help.

7. The victim’s body is exposed or exhibited in a public place

According to Leyva, though this may appear circumstantial to the crime of femicide, it possesses a powerful significance. In her text Women and the Public Sphere: A Modern Perspective, Joan Landes, a professor of Women’s Studies and History at Pennsylvania State University, postulates that women were denied status as a political subject when conceptions and definitions of political subjectivity, and more generally, politics were shaped in the pre-modern era. As actors in the private sphere, their treatment and struggle for human rights was, and still is, made invisible. With women now occupying positions in the labor market and public sphere, men often confuse female liberation as an intrusion of sorts with respect to previously solidified gender roles. Thus, when men commit femicide and display the body in the public arena, they are sending a psychological message for women to stay home. This aspect of femicide is often made worse when the public and political actors blame the victim for walking home alone or not being home as the patriarchal narrative expects.

Once convicted of committing femicide, punishments vary decidedly between states. In comparing the penal codes, the minimum sentence for femicide is 20 years in prison, while the maximum constitutes 70 years. Additionally, beyond the previously discussed, basic components observed in the entities’ penal codes, certain states present interesting additions and considerations worth noting. For example, in Jalisco, the penal code accounts for a variant of femicide known as “lesbofeminicidio” (the murder of a woman because she loves/loved another woman) and “transfeminicidio” (the murder of because she is a transgender or transsexual woman) by including the circumstance of “when the perpetrator acts for reasons of homophobia.” These variants are not popular in other states’ penal codes due to their lack of exposure in the media. In Puebla, one of the additional circumstances constituting a gender reason is “if the victim is pregnant.” This circumstance acknowledges that the perpetrator of the violence is often the biological father and that the crime of femicide may be committed to avoid the responsibilities of parenthood and alimony.

Many critics argue that the statutes for each state’s criminal code on femicide are not uniform, making it especially difficult for third-party groups to ensure effective, nation-wide implementation. For example, there is still no general agreement on whether the act of femicide is a separate category of crime or an aggravated form of homicide. In March and February 2020, many Mexican media outlets, like La Jornada highlighted the danger in a proposal by the Office of the Federal Attorney General (Fiscalía General de la República) to eliminate the designation of “femicide” as a crime and to treat it as an aggravated form of homicide. This would allow for easier facilitation of investigations and prosecutions, the Office of the Attorney General argued. However, the National Human Rights Commission (CNDH) objected, stating that the elimination of femicide as a category of crime would constitute a “setback” because of “the specificity of the content, implications, and meaning of this crime, (because) it makes invisible the essential component of hatred against women, as well as through it seeks to perpetuate the cultural patterns of subordination, inferiority, and oppression of women.”

With the aforementioned analysis on the legal context of femicide in Mexico and the possible threats to its legal standing, it is important to quantitatively determine whether certain legal provisions are responsible for lowering the rates of femicide in certain states. In acquiring this information, the Mexican government could more effectively tailor its federal policy and response to the crime.

Sources

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Linnea, Sandin. “Femicides in Mexico: Impunity and Protests.” Center for Strategic & International Studies. 19 Mar 2020.

Morales, Gretel. “What is femicide?” El Universal. 27 Feb. 2020.

Organization of American States Inter-American Commission of Women. “Declaration of Femicide.” Organization of American States (OAS). 15 Aug. 2008.

Lagarde, Marcela. “¿A qué llamamos feminicidio?” Comisión Especial para Conocer y dar seguimiento a las Investigaciones Relacionadas con los Feminicidios en la República Mexicana y a la Procuración de Justicia Vinculada. 14 de abril 2004 al 14 abril 2005.

Cheatham, Amelia. “Mexico’s Women Push Back on Gender-Based Violence.” Council on Foreign Relations. 12 Mar. 2020.

La Redacción. “La nueva tipificación de feminicidio implica un retroceso: CNDH.” La Jornada. 13 Feb. 2020.

Instituto Nacional de Estadística, Geografía e Informática (INEGI). “‘ESTADÍSTICAS A PROPÓSITO DEL DÍA INTERNACIONAL DE LA ELIMINACIÓN DE LA VIOLENCIA CONTRA LA MUJER (25 DE NOVIEMBRE):’ DATOS DE CHIHUAHUA.” INEGI. 26 Nov. 2019.

Landes, Joan B. “WOMEN AND THE PUBLIC SPHERE: A Modern Perspective.” Social Analysis: The International Journal of Social and Cultural Practice, no. 15, 1984, pp. 20–31. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/23169275. Accessed 11 May 2020.

Católicas por el Derecho a Decidir (CDD) & Comisión Mexicana de Defensa y Promoción de los Derechos Humanos (CMDPDH). “Femicide and Impunity in Mexico: A context of structural and genearlized violence.” Committee on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women, CEDAW. 17 Jul. 2012.

Leyva, Elizabeth. “El Mosaico del feminicidio en México.” Nexos. 11 Dec. 2017.

Programa de Asuntos de la Mujer y de Igualdad entre Mujeres y Hombres. “Legislación penal de las entidades federativas que tipifican el feminicidio como delito.” Comisión Nacional de los Derechos Humanos. 11 Dec. 2015.

Expansión Política. “El asesinato de la activista Isabel Cabanillas genera indignación en Chihuahua.” Expansión Política. 20 Jan. 2020.

Ortiz Uribe, Monica. “A Feminist Is Murdered In Mexico, And Protesters Demand Answers.” NPR. 26 Jan. 2020.

Gamboa, Suzanne. “Shooting death of young woman activist returns spotlight to ‘femicides’ in Juarez and Mexico.” NBC News. 24 Jan. 2020.

El Universal. “Identifican a Fátima, la niña de 7 años asesinada y torturada en Tláhuac.” El Universal. 17 Feb. 2020.

Al Jazeera News. “Ingrid Escamilla Murder: Mexican social media users express shock.” Al Jazeera. 13 Feb. 2020.

BBC News Mundo. “Feminicidio de Ingrid Escamilla: la indignación en México por el brutal asesinato de la joven y la difusión de las fotos de su cadáver.” BBC. 11 Feb. 2020.

McDonnell, Patrick & Sanchez, Cecilia. “In Mexico, a grisly killing inflames debate about femicide.” Los Angeles Times. 14 Feb. 2020.

Gutherie, Amy & Hernandez, Alicia. “Mexican women paint, march to protest gender violence.” Associated Press News. 8 Mar. 2020.

Villegas, Paulina. “In Mexico, Women Go on Strike Nationwide to Protest Violence.” The New York Times. 9 Mar. 2020.

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Agren, David. “‘The message he’s sending is I don’t care’: Mexico’s president criticized for response to killings of women.” The Guardian. 21 Feb. 2020.

Diaz, Joy. “Outraged By Femicides, Mexican Women Demand Change During Nationwide Walkout.” KUT: 90.5 (Austin’s NPR Station). 9 Mar. 2020.

Hope, Alejandro. “¿Quién mató a Ingrid Escamilla?” El Universal. 12 Feb. 2020.

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Justice in Mexico Statement against Racism

[Para la versión en español, desplácese hacia abajo]

Dear supporters:

Justice in Mexico stands in solidarity with the Black community and protesters who are demanding the end of racial injustice and systemic racism. For nineteen years, Justice in Mexico has worked to strengthen rule of law in Mexico, but there can be no justice if the law is applied differently depending on the color of one’s skin. The rule of law is a rights-based principle under which all persons, institutions, and entities are accountable to laws that are: publicly promulgated, equally enforced, and independently adjudicated. 

As we all bear witness to countless, tragic scenes that show racial injustice continuing to flourish in our country, we plainly see that too many police officers are not doing their sworn duty to act as guardians of rule of law in our country. Instead, law enforcement officers inflict horror and abuses on the community they are sworn to protect. Promoting rule of law means making sure that everyone is protected by and beholden to fair and just application of the law. This is why the status quo is not acceptable. We support real change to create more justice in our medical, educational, economic and criminal justice systems for our Black community.

In his Letter from Birmingham Jail, dated April 16, 1963, Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. described scenes that continue to fill our news cycles and screens every day. “When you have seen hate-filled policemen curse, kick, brutalize, and even kill your black brothers and sisters with impunity…then you will understand why we find it difficult to wait.” With urgency, we recognize that #BlackLivesMatter

While there is still much work to be done to understand the complex web of inequalities that underlie the current crisis, we are sure of one thing: justice does not happen overnight. Systemic reform, effective public policy, citizen activism, and long-term commitment to change are all necessary steps toward a more just penal system and a more equitable world.

As a staff and organization, we have spent the past week identifying specific action steps that we can take to ensure our long-term commitment to this fight. We recognize that racism and all forms of discrimination are not unique to the United States. As Justice in Mexico moves forward with a willingness to listen and learn, we commit to exploring issues of institutional, systemic discrimination in Mexico, and its impact on the rule of law throughout Mexico. Our hope is to bring greater public awareness to these critical human rights and rule of law issues, to foster conversation and education, and to promote positive change.

We would also like to recognize the efforts of our partner organizations whose research and training initiatives seek to identify and rectify systemic inequalities in our justice systems. Especially in the context of growing opposition to progressive change, these organizations have remained clear-eyed in their vision of equal access to justice and universal respect for human rights. We thank them and all those who support this mission, and we call upon them to remain steadfast in their work as we face the current crisis. Please visit their websites below for more information on these program’s initiatives:

ABA Rule of Law Initiative Mexico

Arizona State University: Voz de la Víctimas

California Western School of Law: Instituto Latinoamericano de Derecho y Justicia

Centro de Estudios sobre la Enseñanza y el Aprendizaje del Derecho, A.C. (CEEAD)

Attorney General Alliance

International Republican Institute

World Justice Project Mexico


In addition, we would like to take this opportunity to provide our supporters with a list of anti-racist resources. These resources have been hand-selected by our team in order to promote dialogue regarding systemic forms of discrimination and oppression. We have also provided a list of relevant organizations that are accepting donations:

What can I do?

Learn more about the Black Lives Matter movement and its organization, click here.

Learn more about their demands, click here.

Donate if you can. Consider one of these organizations:

NAACP 

Black Lives Matter

The Bail Project

Click here for an additional list of bail organizations.

Educate yourself about the issues at hand. Consider some of these resources:

1619 (podcast)

13th (movie) dir. Ava DuVernay

Atlanta (show) on FX

Between the World and Me (book) by Ta-Nehisi Coates

The Bluest Eye (book) by Toni Morrison

Brooklyn Library BLM Reading List (This list was created by a librarian with the Brooklyn Public Library. The YA books on this list discuss Black Lives Matter, police brutality, and anti-racism.)

Do the Right Thing (movie) dir. Spike Lee

Get Out (movie) dir. Jordan Peele

If Beale Street Could Talk (movie) dir. Barry Jenkins

Insecure (show) on HBO

Invisible Man (book) by Ralph Ellison

Just Mercy (movie) – free streaming on all digital rental platforms during June

Land of the Cosmic Race: Race Mixture, Racism, and Blackness in Mexico by Christina A. Sue

Me and White Supremacy (book) by Layla F. Saad

Moonlight (movie) dir. Barry Jenkins

Serial, season 3 (podcast)

Sorry to Bother You (movie) dir. by Boots Riley

This is America (music/music video) song by Childish Gambino, music video dir. by Hiro Murai

White Rage (book) by Carol Anderson

Thank you for your support as we continue to work toward improving citizen security, strengthening the rule of law, and protecting human rights in Mexico. We welcome your comments and suggestions as we redouble our efforts in the fight against racism and all forms of systemic oppression.

Sincerely,

The Justice in Mexico team

David A. Shirk, Octavio Rodríguez Ferreira, Janice Deaton, Ashley Ahrens-Víquez, Laura Y. Calderón, Rita E. Kuckertz, Teagan McGinnis, Mauricio Villaseñor Herrera


Versión en español

Estimados colaboradores:

El programa Justice in Mexico se solidariza con la comunidad Afrodescendiente y los manifestantes que están exigiendo poner un alto a la injusticia racial y al racismo sistémico. Por diecinueve años, Justice in Mexico ha trabajado para fortalecer el estado de derecho en México. Sin embargo, reconocemos que no puede haber justicia si el derecho se aplica de manera diferente dependiendo del color de piel de las personas. El estado de derecho es un principio basado en los derechos, bajo el cual, todas las personas, instituciones y entidades son responsables de rendir cuentas ante leyes que son: públicamente promulgadas, aplicadas de forma igualitaria, e independientemente adjudicadas.

Siendo testigos de innumerables escenas trágicas que demuestran que la injusticia racial continúa floreciendo en nuestro país, claramente vemos que demasiados oficiales de policía no cumplen con su deber jurado de actuar como guardianes del estado de derecho en nuestro país. Por el contrario, los oficiales encargados de la aplicación de la ley infligen horror y abusos sobre la comunidad que han jurado proteger. Promover el estado de derecho significa asegurarse de que todos están protegidos y sujetos a la aplicación justa y debida de la ley. Por esta razón, el status quo es inaceptable. Apoyamos un cambio real para crear mayor justicia para nuestra comunidad Afrodescendiente dentro de nuestros sistemas médico, educativo, económico y penal.

En su Carta desde la cárcel de Birmingham, con fecha del 16 de abril de 1963, el Reverendo Martin Luther King Jr. describe escenas que continúan llenando nuestros noticieros y pantallas todos los días. “Cuando veas policías llenos de odio maldecir, patear, brutalizar, e incluso asesinar con impunidad a tus hermanos y hermanas afrodescendientes… Entonces entenderás por qué nos resulta difícil esperar.” Con urgencia reconocemos que  #BlackLivesMatter (las vidas Afrodescendientes importan).

Aun cuando queda mucho trabajo por hacer para entender la compleja red de desigualdad que sustenta la crisis actual, estamos seguros de una cosa: la justicia no se hace de la noche a la mañana. Una reforma sistémica, políticas públicas efectivas, activismo ciudadano y el compromiso a largo plazo de crear un cambio, son todos pasos necesarios para un sistema penal más justo y un mundo más equitativo.

Como equipo de trabajo y organización, hemos invertido la semana pasada identificando medidas de acción específicas para asegurar nuestro compromiso a largo plazo con esta causa. Reconocemos que el racismo y todas las formas de discriminación no son exclusivas de los Estados Unidos. Conforme Justice in Mexico avanza hacia la plena disposición de escuchar activamente y aprender, nos comprometemos a explorar los problemas de discriminación institucional y sistémica en México, así como su impacto en el estado de derecho a nivel nacional. Nuestra esperanza es crear mayor concientización ante estos graves problemas de derechos humanos y estado de derecho, para fomentar la conversación y educación, y promover el cambio positivo.

También nos gustaría reconocer los esfuerzos de nuestras organizaciones asociadas, cuyas investigaciones e iniciativas de capacitación buscan identificar y rectificar las desigualdades sistémicas en nuestros sistemas de justicia. En especial en el contexto de una incipiente oposición al cambio progresivo, estas organizaciones han mantenido una visión clara respecto al acceso igualitario a la justicia y al respeto universal de los derechos humanos. Les agradecemos a ellos y a todos los que apoyan esta misión, y les hacemos un llamado a mantenerse inquebrantables en su trabajo mientras enfrentamos la crisis actual. Por favor visite sus sitios web incluidos abajo para más información sobre las iniciativas de dichos programas:

ABA Rule of Law Initiative Mexico (ABA-ROLI, México)

Arizona State University: Voz de la Víctimas

California Western School of Law: Instituto Latinoamericano de Derecho y Justicia

Centro de Estudios sobre la Enseñanza y el Aprendizaje del Derecho, A.C. (CEEAD)

Attorney General Alliance (Alianza de Procuradores, anteriormente CWAG)

International Republican Institute (IRI)

World Justice Project Mexico

Además, nos gustaría aprovechar esta oportunidad para proveer a nuestros colaboradores con una lista de recursos anti-racismo. Estos recursos han sido seleccionados individualmente por nuestro equipo para promover el diálogo sobre formas sistémicas de discriminación y opresión. También incluimos una lista de organizaciones relevantes que están aceptando donativos:

¿Qué puedo hacer?

Aprenda más sobre el movimiento y organización Black Lives Matter, presione aquí.

Aprenda sobre sus exigencias, presione aquí.

Considere alguna de las siguientes organizaciones para donar, si le es posible:
NAACP (Asociación Nacional para el Progreso de Personas de Color)
Black Lives Matter
The Bail Project (Proyecto de la Liberación Bajo Fianza)
Presione aquí para información adicional sobre otras organizaciones relacionadas a la liberación bajo fianza.

Edúquese sobre los problemas inminentes. Considere algunos de estos recursos:

1619 (podcast)
13th (película) dir. Ava DuVernay

Atlanta (serie de T.V.) on FX

Between the World and Me (libro) de Ta-Nehisi Coates

The Bluest Eye (libro) de Toni Morrison

Brooklyn Library BLM Reading List (Lista de Lectura Recomendada por la Biblioteca de Brooklyn. Esta lista fue creada por un bibliotecario o bibliotecaria de la Biblioteca Pública de Brooklyn. Los libros en esta lista discuten Black Lives Matter, brutalidad policiaca, y anti-racismo.)

Do the Right Thing (película) dir. Spike Lee

Get Out (película) dir. Jordan Peele

If Beale Street Could Talk (película) dir. Barry Jenkins

Insecure (serie de T.V.) on HBO

Invisible Man (libro) de Ralph Ellison

Just Mercy (película) – reproducciones gratis en todas las plataformas de renta durante junio

Land of the Cosmic Race: Race Mixture, Racism, and Blackness in Mexico por Christina A. Sue

Me and White Supremacy (libro) de Layla F. Saad

Moonlight (película) dir. Barry Jenkins

Serial, season 3 (podcast)

Sorry to Bother You (película) dir. Boots Riley

This is America (canción y video musical) canción de Childish Gambino, video musical dir. por Hiro Murai

White Rage (libro) de Carol Anderson

Muchas gracias por su apoyo mientras continuamos trabajando para mejorar la seguridad ciudadana, fortalecer el estado de derecho, y proteger los derechos humanos en México. Agradecemos sus comentarios y sugerencias mientras redoblamos nuestros esfuerzos en la lucha contra el racismo y todas las formas de opresión sistémica.

Atentamente,

El equipo de Justice in Mexico

David A. Shirk, Octavio Rodríguez Ferreira, Janice Deaton, Ashley Ahrens-Víquez, Laura Y. Calderón, Rita E. Kuckertz, Teagan McGinnis, Mauricio Villaseñor Herrera