COVID-19’s impact on indigenous women in Mexico

10/09/20 (written by vrice) – While COVID-19 has affected various sectors of the Mexican population, indigenous communities—and especially women—have been particularly impacted in the wake of pandemic austerity measures. Budget cuts to Indigenous and Afro-Mexican Women’s Shelters (Casas de la Mujer Indígena y Afromexicana, CAMIs) have led indigenous women to mobilize and increasingly accuse the government of negligence. This unrest challenges claims in President Andrés Manuel López Obrador’s (AMLO) recent government report that his administration has effectively supported women and indigenous communities during the pandemic.

Members of the “La Abuela Sabia” CAMI in Ayutla de los Libres, Guerrero. Photo: La Dekonstrucción
Members of the “La Abuela Sabia” CAMI in Ayutla de los Libres, Guerrero. Photo: La Dekonstrucción

Coronavirus rates in indigenous communities

Approximately 21.4% (25 million) of Mexico’s 120 million citizens are indigenous. Since the outbreak of COVID-19, 1,882 deaths and 15,390 cases of the coronavirus have been registered in Mexican indigenous communities. This data translates into a 12% mortality rate from COVID-19 for indigenous Mexican communities, compared to the national average of 10%. The country currently has the fourth highest number of deaths from coronavirus in the world (79,088). 

Indigenous women face disproportionate vulnerabilities 

Health and Education 

The lack of hospitals in indigenous communities, coupled with pandemic travel restrictions, make seeking medical care even more difficult than for the non-indigenous population. These factors further threaten indigenous women’s access to sexual and reproductive healthcare. Indigenous women already have higher infant mortality rates, at 3.3 deaths for every 1,000 live births, compared to 2.2 deaths for non-indigenous women. Given these rates, the prenatal care and birthing assistance provided by CAMIs becomes even more indispensable. In addition, 19.9% of indigenous populations lack access to water and 24.6% do not have sewage systems. Compliance with COVID-19 safety measures, like frequent hand washing, is unfeasible without access to these resources. Further threats to indigenous women’s health arise from gender based violence. According to the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) México, the rural location of most indigenous communities impedes the ability of women to escape increasing domestic violence rates during pandemic lockdowns. 

COVID-19 is also having a significant effect on the education indigenous women receive. In indigenous communities, 23% of individuals are already illiterate, compared to 4.2% in the general population. Women in indigenous communities also have even fewer years of schooling than indigenous men, whereas the inverse is true amongst the non-indigenous population. While the average woman in Mexico receives 9.1 years of schooling, indigenous women receive only 6.2 years. School closures due to COVID-19 may increase the rates at which indigenous children abandon their studies, particularly indigenous girls, as has occurred during past pandemics according to UNESCO México. The government is currently pursuing a “Learn from Home” (Aprender en casa) program where students can watch classes on television or access them via the internet. It is also worth noting that only 40% of indigenous communities have 4G coverage, meaning the majority of individuals cannot attend online classes. 

Income and Employment 

Studies by the National Council for the Evaluation of Social Development Policy (El Consejo Nacional de Evaluación de la Política de Desarrollo Social) indicate that 80% of indigenous Mexicans work in the informal economy. As a result, they do not have access to benefits like unemployment insurance or labor protections. Coronavirus lockdowns have also hindered activities in the informal sector, leading to a loss of vital income for survival. UN Women and UNESCO identify how this diminution of income disproportionately impacts the food security of indigenous single mothers. 

Closures exacerbate the already disproportionate access of indigenous women to the labor market compared to non-indigenous women. Only 26% of the former participate in some form of labor compared with 46% of the latter. Moreover, stay at home orders have increased the amount of unpaid, domestic labor with which indigenous women are tasked. Nearly 65% of indigenous women 12 years of age and older perform this uncompensated labor, compared with only 35.3% of indigenous men. Financial vulnerability is heightened by how even before the pandemic, indigenous individuals earned monthly wages 45.5% lower than non-indigenous individuals. Indigenous women earn less than their male counterparts, making 3,840 pesos ($171.30 USD) each month compared to males’ 4,155 pesos ($185.35 USD).  Indigenous communities are also more susceptible to financial burdens from medical treatment for COVID-19 and other health ailments. Approximately 82% of the non-indigenous population possesses social security, which provides healthcare, while over 77% of the indigenous population does not. Thus, the 69.5% of the indigenous population currently living in poverty is likely to increase due to COVID-19.

Resistance from Indigenous Communities

On May 11, amidst rising COVID-19 death rates and AMLO’s announcement of austerity measures, indigenous artisan women gathered outside the National Palace in Mexico City to protest for government assistance. Demands ranged from potable water to economic aid, as lockdowns have shut down the informal economy on which many of these women rely for income. Francisca de la Cruz, coordinator of the CAMI of Ometepec, in the state of Guerrero, reflected the demonstrators’ frustrated sentiment, stating that the government does not prioritize the problems of indigenous women. Global NGOs like Amnesty International rallied behind the rights of indigenous women during the pandemic, by releasing a letter template to send complaints about the suspended CAMI funding to Mexico’s Minister of Interior. AMLO’s failure to issue government assistance to indigenous communities, while simultaneously advancing construction on the Maya Train (Tren Maya) during the pandemic sparked additional unrest and civil resistance.

Indigenous artisan women protesting outside of the National Palace in Mexico City on May 11, 2020 to demand financial support during the COVID-19 pandemic. Photo: The Washington Post.
Indigenous artisan women protesting outside of the National Palace in Mexico City on May 11, 2020 to demand financial support during the COVID-19 pandemic. Photo: The Washington Post.

The Government’s Response 

President Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO) announced COVID-19 austerity measures at the end of March, which included the indefinite suspension of the Indigenous Rights Program (Programa de Derechos Indígenas) budget. This program is managed by the National Institute of Indigenous Peoples (Instituto Nacional de los Pueblos Indígenas, INPI) and helps fund 35 Indigenous and Afro-Mexican Women’s Shelters (CAMIs). These spaces are often the only sources of legal and medical aid for indigenous and Afro-Mexican women. A third of the CAMIs were forced to shut down in May due to a lack of funding. They have since received only half of the 30 million pesos ($1,373,445 USD, approximately $25,000-40,000 USD per shelter) originally earmarked for them. The National Network of Shelters for Indigenous Women denounced the budget cuts for reducing the amount of resources available to women amidst increasing rates of domestic violence during COVID-19 lockdowns. According to Mexican federal authorities, the first three weeks of lockdown saw a 30-100% increase in violence against women.

On September 1, AMLO issued his second government report, which cited significant support from his administration for indigenous communities and women during the COVID-19 pandemic. News outlet Animal Político critiqued how the report did not mention that only half of the original budget was distributed, or that one-third of CAMIs were forced to close. Echoing the sentiment of feminist activists, Animal Político argues that the government’s failure to financially support CAMIs contradicts AMLO’s statements that services for women experiencing domestic violence are “essential” during the pandemic. Moreover, the report fails to cite any statistics to justify its claim that government support was provided to CAMIs to continue providing aid for indigenous and Afro-Mexican women experiencing gender-based violence (e.g. consultations, translations, case follow-up). The report claims that 30,430 women received such support through CAMIs during the pandemic (from September 1, 2019-June 30, 2020), even though a footnote on the document reveals this data is solely from the last quarter of 2019. Thus, the statistic provides no insight into the care women received via CAMIs during the outbreak and augmentation of COVID-19 rates. 

The government defended itself against these accusations of neglect by promoting its “Guide for Assistance to Indigenous Communities and Afro-Mexicans during the health emergency created by the SARS-CoV-2 (COVID-19) virus” (Guía para la Atención de Pueblos y Comunidades Indígenas y Afromexicanas ante la emergencia sanitaria generada por el virus SARS-CoV-2 (COVID-19)). Initially issued in Spanish on May 8, the guide was released on May 21 in 35 indigenous languages to make information about COVID-19 and safety precautions more widely accessible. These indigenous language versions were released almost three months after the first COVID-19 case was registered in Mexico. During a press conference in the National Palace at the end of August, Adelfo Regino Montes, the head of the National Institute of Indigenous Peoples (Instituto Nacional de los Pueblos Indígenas, INPI), praised the guide for its crucial role in preventing the spread of COVID-19 in indigenous communities. However, as there are 68 recognized indigenous languages in Mexico, the report is only available in a little over half of these.

As COVID-19 rages on, inadequate government assistance threatens to amplify the obstacles indigenous Mexican women already face in regard to education, health, income, and employment.

Sources

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Aramayo, Nazul. “Posibilidades de tener menos servicios básicos es alta si eres indígena: especialista.” Vanguardia MX, Sept. 4, 2020.

Arteta, Itxaro. “Gobierno presume en Informe apoyos a indígenas y mujeres que tuvieron recortes o subejercicios.” Animal Político, Sept. 2, 2020. 

“Indigenous communities in Mexico have no access to healthcare amid the pandemic.” The Yucatan Times, Sept. 1, 2020.

“Segundo Informe de Gobierno; conoce el documento completo: PDF.” El Heraldo de México, Sept. 1, 2020. 

“Patrocinan extranjeros a ONG anti Tren Maya.” El Universal, Aug. 27, 2020.

“Urgent Action: Women’s Rights Protection at Risk.” Amnesty International, June 29, 2020.

Suárez, V. et al. “Epidemiología de COVID-19 en México: del 27 de febrero al 30 de abril de 2020.” Revista clinica espanola, (20)30, May 27, 2020.

Gobierno de México & Instituto Nacional de los Pueblos Indígenas. “Guía para la atención de pueblos indígenas y afromexicano ante el COVID-19, en lenguas indígenas.” May 21, 2020. 

Castellanos, Laura. “México atropella los derechos de indígenas y defensores ante el coronavirus.” The Washington Post, May 13, 2020. 

Gobierno de México & Instituto Nacional de los Pueblos Indígenas. “Guía para la Atención de Pueblos y Comunidades Indígenas y Afromexicanas ante la Emergencia Sanitaria Generada por el Virus SARS-CoV2 (COVID-19).” May 8, 2020. 

Arteta, Itxaro. “Hacienda retiene los recursos para atención a violencia contra mujeres indígenas.” Animal Político, May 4, 2020. 

García, Carina. “Hay 11 millones de alumnos registrados en el programa Aprende en Casa: SEP.” El Universal, April 27, 2020.

Gómez Mena, Carolina. “Organizaciones piden cancelar el Tren Maya por Covid-19.” La Jornada, April 21, 2020.

“Pueblos indígenas y COVID-19: una mirada desde México.” UNESCO, April 8, 2020.

Ortiz, Alexis. “Estiman aumento de hasta 100% en violencia de género por confinamiento ante coronavirus.” El Universal, April 4, 2020.

ONU Mujeres & UNESCO México. “Mujeres indígenas en contexto: Covid-19 ¿Cómo les impacta?” 2020. 

Reveles, César. “Mujeres, indígenas, personas LGBTI y adultos mayores tienen los peores salarios en México.” Animal Político, Nov. 26, 2019. 

Vega, Andrea. “Solo 40% de las localidades con población indígena tiene cobertura 4G.” Animal Político, Aug. 13, 2019. 

Canedo, Ana. “Labor Market Discrimination Against Indigenous Peoples in Mexico: A Decomposition Analysis of Wage Differentials.” Iberoamericana: Nordic Journal of Latin America and Caribbean Studies, 48(1), March 1, 2019.

“En México la población indígena y la hablante de lengua indígena registran una mayor tasa de analfabetismo y un menor nivel de escolaridad: Sylvia Schmelkes.” Instituto Nacional para la Evaluación de la Educación México, Feb. 25, 2019. 

Vega, Margarita. “Aquí no hay clínica, ni médico, ni medicinas…” Animal Político.

Increased indigenous displacement within Mexico and its connections to mining operations in Guerrero

08/28/20 (written by cmurray)

Indigenous Displacement in Mexico

Over the past decade, as violent crime continues to rise in Mexico, large numbers of individuals have become victims of internal displacement with 7,100 new displacements being recorded between January 1 and December 31, 2019. Many of the reported displacements have been the result of land disputes, initiated by private companies and enforced by organized crime groups (OCGs) eager to mine precious metals within Mexico. The Mexican Commission for the Defense and Promotion of Human Rights (Comisión Mexicana de Defensa y Promoción de los Derechos Humanos, CMDPDH) estimates that 310,527 individuals have been victims of internal displacement within Mexico between 2009 and January of 2017. Subsequent data released by the CMDPDH states that an additional 20,000 people within Mexico had been displaced in 2017, with 60% of them being indigenous peoples (Minority Rights). As of December 31, 2019, the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre recorded that the total number of internally-displaced individuals in Mexico rose to 345,000. 

Escalating Tensions within Guerrero 

Indigenous displacement has become a pressing issue in the state of Guerrero, with an estimated 9,000 inhabitants having fled their homes between 2017 and 2018. This massive dispersal of individuals spans across 37 towns in 11 municipalities and has been attributed to an increased presence of organized crime within the state. According to Manuel Olivares, the Director of the José María Morelos y Pavón Regional Center for the Defense of Human Rights in Guerrero (Centro Regional de Derechos Humanos “José María Morelos y Pavón”), this phenomenon of indigenous displacement has been taking place since 2011 but has escalated in the past several years. Olivares also states that mining companies eager to conduct business in Guerrero ally themselves with OCGs as a way to assure their presence within the region. Moreover, OCGs  have learned that a more diversified revenue stream can bolster their regional control, with many of them claiming that mining has replaced heroin in the fight for power. Although the mining companies pay the local communities, the residual environment becomes uninhabitable as a result of the harmful emissions and pollutants. 

The Case of Carrizalillo

The community of Carrizalillo, located in the center of Guerrero, is situated in a region abundant with precious metals and became a major mining hub in 2003 after private companies were allowed temporary rights to the land. In 2006, corporations began mining at “El Bermejal” and the various chemicals used for gold extraction, such as sodium cyanide, began negatively affecting the surrounding environment as well as the 252 families living in the area. Tensions began to rise when the Carrizalillo residents realized that the land had been purchased illegally under agrarian law. The Unitary Agrarian Tribunal (Tribunal Unitario Agrario, TUA) issued a ruling upholding agrarian law and stated that the company was required to pay for the restoration of lands in addition to offering better agreement terms. In 2012, a community census was conducted by local health officials who stated that at least one member of every family had symptoms of one or more diseases related to mineral extraction (Environmental Justice Atlas). The village was diligent in documenting illness in accordance with the protocol set forth by the Mexican Network of People Affected by Mining and the Mesoamerican Movement against the Mining Extractive Model (Red Mexicana de Afectadas y Afectados por la Minería y el Movimiento Mesoamericano contra el Modelo extractivo Minero, M4). The main water basin within Carrizalillo, occupying around 77.4% of the territory, was destroyed and caused 80% of the families to show signs of skin damage. Despite the indigenous community gaining control of the territorial lease and stipulations, there has been irreparable damage done within the region. Between 2011 and 2019, a total of 55 community members have been murdered as a result of various violent attacks, a majority of which were carried out by organized crime groups in the region. 

A Current Reality

Torex Gold Resources Inc, a Canadian mining company that has been operating in Guerrero under its subsidiary Media Luna Mine (Minera Media Luna S.A. de C.V.) since 2010, has been cited as having evaded many of the protective laws in place for indigenous peoples throughout the years. The community of La Fundición has faced continued persecution from groups like the Confederation of Mexican Workers (Confederación de Trabajadores Mexicanos, CMT) and other OCGs openly in favor of the mining company. One hundred and seventy families from the communities of La Fundición and Real del Limón were displaced after false land titles were used to strip the residents of their land rights. Further claims against Torex Gold Resources state that the Autonomous University of Guerrero (Universidad Autónoma de Guerrero, UAGro) manipulated data relating to contamination figures, as the university has previously received funds from the company. On May 12, Óscar Ontiveros Martínez, a miner in opposition of the Media Luna Mining Company was killed by an armed group in Real de Limón. The Business and Human Rights Resource Centre stated that this was the fourth individual who worked with or in the mine since 2017. The company released a statement in response to the four murders and denied any involvement in the crimes while also restating that as a company their protection of human rights remains paramount. 

An Uncertain Future

There are various organizations like the CMDPDH and the Business and Human Rights Resource Centre that condemn the continued persecution and violent displacement of indigenous communities throughout Mexico. However, government officials have been reticent about combating this phenomenon and OCGs continue to wage violence in an effort to advance their organizational interests. One certainty is that there are insufficient protections available to indigenous persons facing the threat of displacement and their safety has become contingent on the outcomes of the disputes emerging around them. Since the emergence of COVID-19, many cartels have become emboldened and are targeting mining facilities due to their current vulnerability. The Alamos Gold’s Mulatos mine, located in Sonora, reported on April 8 that armed criminals stole gold bars from the facility, estimated to be around $3 million dollars. A predicted decrease in drug trade revenues has forced organized crime groups to shift their sights towards metal and mineral mining facilities, as they are seen as easy targets. Much is yet to be determined as mining facilities and their surrounding communities, like Guerrero, are left susceptible to organized crime groups and face the uncertainties of COVID-19. 

Sources:

Comisión Mexicana de Defensa y Promoción de los Derechos Humanos. “Urge protección y atención a cientos de familias desplazadas en Chiapas.” CMDPDH. December 21, 2017.

Palma, Arturo de Dios. “Sin freno, éxodo por la violencia.” El Universal. January 12, 2018.

Movimiento Mesoamericano contra el Modelo extractivo Minero. “Canadian Mining Company Torex Gold Resources Inc; Archetype of Violence in Guerrero.” October 4, 2019.

Environmental Justice Atlas. “Mina Los Filos – El Bermejal, Carrizalillo, Guerrero, Mexico.” October 20, 2019.

Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre. “Mexico.” December 31, 2019.

Business & Human Rights Resource Centre. “Mexico: Torex Gold responds to 4 cases of killings and the one disappearance of labour rights defenders and workers in the Media Luna mine in Guerrero over the past 3 years.” 2020.

Bnamericas. “Mexican crime gangs target miners amid COVID-19 crisis.” Bnamericas. April 14, 2020.

International Crisis Group. “Mexico’s Everyday War: Guerrero and the Trials of Peace.” May 4, 2020.

Contreras, Ezequiel Flores. “Ejecutan a opositor a la minera Media Luna en Cocula, Guerrero.” Proceso. May 16, 2020.

Torex Gold Resources Inc. “Torex Gold response.” Business & Human Rights Resource Centre. June 1, 2020.

Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. “SODIUM CYANIDE : Systemic Agent.” CDC.

Minority Rights Group. “Indigenous Peoples.”

México\Procuraduría Agraria.

Violence against indigenous groups in Oaxaca remains mostly environmentally motivated

Overview

07/10/20 (written by CMurray) – During the early morning of June 21, 2020, 15 people were murdered in the municipality of San Mateo del Mar in Oaxaca, where a majority of the population identifies with the Ikoots indigenous people (Graham). State prosecutors announced that the victims, including 13 men and two women, were tortured and burned alive by armed attackers. Residents of San Mateo del Mar have claimed that the attack was orchestrated by the mayor’s supporters, who were upset about opposition towards large scale wind power projects within the region (Associated Press). The brutal attack was believed to have originated at a COVID-19 checkpoint where a group of around seven individuals initiated the attack on local dissidents (Chaca). Following the assault, the governor of Oaxaca, Alejandro Murat Hinojosa, confirmed the deployment of a security operation to the municipality in an effort to mitigate continued violence (La Jornada). According to El Universal, the security deployment included four detectives, 80 state police, and 39 National Guard members who were ultimately only able to rescue two men. Although no suspects have been identified, the National Human Rights Commission (Comisión Nacional de los Derechos Humanos, CNDH) stated that officials need to “determine the exercise of criminal action, with respect to the facts constituting offenses and the probable responsibility of the people involved” [author’s own translation]. The indigenous population within San Mateo del Mar has been the subject of various disputes during the past several years, most of which are related to land rights.

Land Rights

In January 2018, Mexico’s Supreme Court ruled that a large-scale wind energy project be suspended after it failed to gain sufficient support from the local Zapotec community in the town of Juchitán (Mexico News Daily). Proponents of the infrastructure project, headed by Energía Eólica del Sur (Southern Wind Energy), were insistent that the $1.2 billion project would be profitable for the state and make it the largest wind park of its kind in Latin America (Mexico News Daily). In November of 2017, Governor Murat, attended the official groundbreaking ceremony and affirmed that the project was approved by local communities despite not having gone through the proper channels. A report that specifically addressed the Bíi Hioxo wind park in Juchitán argues that increased efforts to combat global warming through renewable energy resources have subsequently ignored indigenous groups’ territorial claims. There have been efforts on behalf of state authorities as well as private organizations to wage counterinsurgency tactics against indigenous groups that oppose the construction of these large energy projects. One local woman commented that these forms of clean energy could not possibly promote sustainability when they were also responsible for deforestation, polluting groundwater, and eliminating natural forms of medicine. Based on the legal precedent set forth by Convention 169 of the International Labour Organization, judges within the Mexican Supreme Court issued their ruling in favor of the indigenous community. This Convention states that native communities are guaranteed land rights as well as the ability to participate in managing and conserving the land that they safeguard. Despite the court ruling, tensions continue to rise in respect to the issue of land rights in the area, because although the project promises to generate around 1,500 new jobs, it jeopardizes the autonomy of indigenous land in the region (Rodríguez).

Environmental Violence in Oaxaca

The state of Oaxaca continues to be a hub for violence perpetrated against environmental activists, many of whom hail from indigenous communities. On May 7th of this year, 21 year old environmental activist, Eugui Roy Martínez Pérez was found murdered at a ranch in the town of San Agustín Loxicha. He was a student at the Technological Institute of the Valley of Oaxaca (Instituto Tecnológico del Valle de Oaxaca) and was reported to have been an outspoken supporter for environmental advocacy (Miranda). According to the Mexican Center for Environmental Law (Centro Mexicano de Derecho Ambiental, CEMDA), 460 cases of aggression against environmentalists were reported between 2012 to 2018. Of these 460 cases, Oaxaca led with the highest number of reported attacks at 79. Additionally, 29% of all reported cases were associated with energy projects, of which 53 out of 460 constituted wind energy-specific cases (CEMDA).

Due to continued violent attacks against indigenous groups, especially within Oaxaca the past few years, many are calling for increased accountability from the government. The brutal assassinations that took place within San Mateo Del Mar are just some of the more recent attacks being perpetrated against indigenous communities that oppose these large scale energy projects. These communities have received support from the Mexican Supreme Court and human rights groups such as the Committee for the Integral Defence of Human Rights (Comité de Defensa Integral de Derechos Humanos, Gobixha, CODIGO DH), but still face the prospect of highly volatile attacks from those that oppose their territorial claims.

Sources: 

International Labour Organization. “C169 – Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention, 1989 (No. 169).” June 27, 1989. 

Comité de Defensa Integral de Derechos Humanos, Gobixha A.C. “Rostros de la Impunidad en Oaxaca Perspectivas desde la Defensa Integral de los Derechos Humanos.” March 2014. 

Dunlap, Alexander. “Counterinsurgency for wind energy: the Bíi Hioxo wind park in 

Juchitán, Mexico.” The Journal of Peasant Studies. January 19, 2017. 

Rodríguez, Óscar. “Colocan primera piedra del Parque Eólico en el Istmo.” Milenio. November 26, 2017. 

Mexico News Daily. “Court orders halt to Juchitán wind farm.” January 11, 2018. 

Leyva Hernández, Alejandra, et al. “Informe Sobre La Situación De Las Personas Defensoras De Los Derechos Humanos Ambientales.” Edited by Andrea Davide Ulisse Cerami and 

Anaid Velasco Ramírez. Centro Mexicano de Derecho Ambiental. March, 2020.

Rodríguez, Óscar. “Asesinan a biólogo ambientalista en Oaxaca.” Milenio. May 11, 2020. 

Miranda, Fernando. “Environmental activist Eugui Roy Martínez was murdered in Oaxaca.” El Universal.  May 12, 2020. 

“Reportan asesinato masivo en el sur de Oaxaca; 15 muertos.” La Jornada. June 22, 2020. 

Associated Press. “At least 15 dead in southern Mexico wind-farm feud killings.” Washington Post. June 23, 2020. 

Chaca, Roselia. “Crece masacre en San Mateo del Mar; suman 15 muertos.” El Universal. June 23, 2020. 

Graham, Dave. “Fifteen killed in brutal attack on indigenous Mexican village.” Reuters. June 23, 2020. 

Comisión Nacional de los Derechos Humanos. “La CNDH requiere urgentemente al Gobierno del Estado de Oaxaca cumplimentar medidas cautelares decretadas a favor de los habitantes del Municipio de San Mateo del Mar.” CNDH México. June 26, 2020.